Saturday, August 18, 2007

Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory

9 - 15 August 2007



Gaza Airport Observation Tower after IOF Bombardment on 9 August 2007


Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) Escalate Attacks on Palestinian Civilians and Property in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT)

8 Palestinians including 3 Civilians killed: 7 by IOF and 1 by Armed Guards of a Religious School in Jerusalem.

An elderly woman and a person with mental health problems killed.

Palestinian from Israel killed by Israeli guards in Jerusalem.

31 Palestinian civilians were wounded by IOF gunfire in the OPT.

8 of the Injured, including 4 children and a French human rights defender, were wounded in the weekly Bal’in Demonstration.

24 injured during an IOF incursion into New Abasan in the southern Gaza Strip.

IOF conducted 32 incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

IOF arrested 61 Palestinian civilians in the West Bank and 1 in the Gaza Strip.

IOF raze 60 Dunums of agricultural land in the Gaza Strip.

IOF bombard the closed Gaza Airport with artillery and heavy machine guns.

IOF have continued to impose a total siege on the OPT, and continues to isolate the Gaza Strip from the outside world.

Severe humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip due to the closure.

IOF positioned at various checkpoints and border crossings in the West Bank arrested 2 Palestinian civilians.

Israeli settlement activity and attacks by Israeli settlers continue:

IOF military order closes 8 Palestinian shops in Hebron’s old city.

Summary

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Reconciliation Project in Iraq


For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary
August 18, 2007
Audio


In recent months, American and Iraqi forces have struck powerful blows against al Qaeda terrorists and violent extremists in Anbar and other provinces. In recent days, our troops and Iraqi allies launched a new offensive called Phantom Strike. In this offensive, we are carrying out targeted operations against terrorists and extremists fleeing Baghdad and other key cities -- to prevent them from returning or setting up new bases of operation. The terrorists remain dangerous and brutal, as we saw this week when they massacred more than 200 innocent Yezidis, a small religious minority in northwestern Iraq. Our hearts go out to the families of those killed, and our troops are going to go after the murderers behind this horrific attack.

As we surge combat operations to capture and kill the enemy, we are also surging Provincial Reconstruction Teams to promote political and economic progress. Since January, we have doubled the number of these teams, known as PRTs. They bring together military, civilian, and diplomatic personnel to help Iraqi communities rebuild infrastructure, create jobs, and encourage reconciliation from the ground up. These teams are now deployed throughout the country, and they are helping Iraqis make political gains, especially at the local level.

In Anbar province, at this time last year, the terrorists were in control of many areas and brutalizing the local population. Then local sheikhs joined with American forces to drive the terrorists out of Ramadi and other cities. Residents began to provide critical intelligence, and tribesmen joined the Iraqi police and security forces. Today, the provincial council in Ramadi is back, and last month provincial officials re-opened parts of the war-damaged government center with the help of one of our PRTs. Thirty-five local council members were present as the chairman called the body to order for its inaugural session.

Similar scenes are taking place in other parts of Anbar. Virtually every city and town in the province now has a mayor and a functioning municipal council. The rule of law is being restored. And last month, some 40 judges held a conference in Anbar to restart major criminal trials. In the far west town of al Qaim, tribal leaders turned against the terrorists. Today, those tribal leaders head the regional mayor's office and the local police force. Our PRT leader on the ground reports that al Qaim is seeing new construction, growing commercial activity, and an increasing number of young men volunteering for the Iraqi army and police.

In other provinces, there are also signs of progress from the bottom up. In Muthanna, an overwhelmingly Shia province, the local council held a public meeting to hear from citizens on how to spend their budget and rebuild their neighborhoods. In Diyala province, the city of Baqubah re-opened six of its banks, providing residents with much-needed capital for the local economy. And in Ninewa province, local officials have established a commission to investigate corruption, with a local judge empowered to pursue charges of fraud and racketeering.

Unfortunately, political progress at the national level has not matched the pace of progress at the local level. The Iraqi government in Baghdad has many important measures left to address, such as reforming the de-Baathification laws, organizing provincial elections, and passing a law to formalize the sharing of oil revenues. Yet, the Iraqi parliament has passed about 60 pieces of legislation.

And despite the lack of oil revenue law on the books, oil revenue sharing is taking place. The Iraqi parliament has allocated more than $2 billion in oil revenue for the provinces. And the Shia-led government in Baghdad is sharing a significant portion of these oil revenues with Sunni provincial leaders in places like Anbar.

America will continue to urge Iraq's leaders to meet the benchmarks they have set. Yet Americans can be encouraged by the progress and reconciliation that are taking place at the local level. An American politician once observed that "all politics is local." In a democracy, over time national politics reflects local realities. And as reconciliation occurs in local communities across Iraq, it will help create the conditions for reconciliation in Baghdad as well.

Thank you for listening.

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The Zionist Holocaust Story


"We did it once, already; trying for two."

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Iran's Guards: We'll 'punch' US

Iranian Revolutionary Guards take part in a parade in Tehran, in this Friday Sept. 25, 1998 file photo, to mark the 18th anniversary of the outbreak of the war with Iraq. The U.S. move to blacklist Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps as a terror group is a new salvo in a broader effort to choke off funding to Iranian elements accused of developing nuclear weapons and fomenting violence in Iraq, Afghanistan and the Middle East.(AP Photo/Mohammad Sayyad, file)

18 August 2007

By
NASSER KARIMI

TEHRAN, Iran-Iran's elite Revolutionary Guards said they would not bow to pressure and threatened to "punch" the U.S., in their first response to Washington's plan to list them as a terrorist organization, newspapers reported Saturday.

Local press in the Iranian capital of Tehran quoted Revolutionary Guards leader Gen. Yahya Rahim Safavi saying that he could understand Washington's ire toward the group because of their "leverage" against the U.S.

"America will receive a heavier punch from the guards in the future," he was quoted as saying in the conservative daily Kayhan. "We will never remain silent in the face of U.S. pressure and we will use our leverage against them."

There was no elaboration on what Safavi meant by the punch or the organization's "leverage."

Washington has accused the Guards of supporting militias and insurgent groups attacking U.S. forces in Iraq — charges Iran denies.

The fact that the remarks, made on Thursday in the central Iranian city of Isfahan, appeared in local newspapers rather than the official state news outlets suggest the comments are for domestic consumption.

Meanwhile, other Iranian officials continued to speak out against Washington's move to register the group as a terrorist organization, with a government spokesman calling the claims "baseless," on the Web site of the state broadcasting company.

"The claims of the U.S. are baseless and have no takers around the world," he said Saturday, noting that "the U.S. has endangered the world many times under the excuse of fighting against terrorism."

On Tuesday, an unnamed official in the Bush administration said the U.S. planned to list the Guards as terrorist group in order to squeeze Iran.

The move was seen as an effort to pressure businesses the corps is thought to control, from construction to oil sectors. It would be the first time the U.S. would put a foreign government's military agency on the list, which includes the al-Qaida network and the militant groups Hamas and Hezbollah.

Iranian armed forces spokesman Gen. Ali Reza Afshar hit out precisely against this attempt to declare a state body terrorist in an editorial Saturday in the country's largest circulation newspaper, calling it illegal.

"America's long time hostility against the Guard is clear and understandable, but this move against organization that is part of Iran's armed forces is illegal," he wrote in the daily Hamshahri.

The estimated 200,000-strong Revolutionary Guards is an elite force separate from Iran's regular military and has its own ground, naval and air units.

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Israel is Not My Jailor

Hitler and Himmler during Reich Party day, reviewing SS troops.

18 August 2007
by Housewife4Palestine

I am yet trying to figure out when Israel decided they were the police over the Palestinian people, to go so far as to grant amnesty to any resistance fighter; let alone only for Fatah.

They may be occupying our country, but the Israeli government has no right to dictate any policies towards the Palestinian people, especially during war time.

Furthermore, they have no real jurisdiction in Palestine proper.

Palestinian Children Murdered by the IOF

They are more in tune to a very unwanted guest, which has far over stayed their unwelcome. As well, as they really need to buy that ticket; out of Palestine.

They come and treat any Palestinian citizen in any manner they wish to go so far having gotten away with it, with United States aid and I must admit their latest “climb out on the limb” maneuver; makes me wonder where the SS Uniform is or maybe we are not looking close enough?

Israel has followed every guideline of the old German SS right down to the letter, even to the latest enclosure, so no fuel can get through, so Gaza resident’s sit in the dark; as well as starve.

We defiantly should call Gaza a Ghetto like what the German’s did to the Jewish people in Europe, the only difference, the extermination’s have been on going; for the whole extent of occupation.


The latest maneuver’s by the Israeli’s looks more like the SS desperation towards the end of their reign, let’s just hope we do not see the death march’s, we already have the whole sale slaughter.

Some German’s Officer’s after World War 2, equated the Zionist as gangsters, I must admit they where right.

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The Bush Compound in Maine

The Place Where Threat’s are Made

(Click on Picture for Larger View)


Background
The Bush compound, formally Walker's Point, is the summer home of 41st President of the United States George H. W. Bush. Located adjacent to the Atlantic Ocean in southern Maine, near the town of Kennebunkport, the property has been a family retreat for more than a century.

The estate was first purchased by St. Louis banker George H. Walker in the late 19th century; he built the mansion in 1903. The estate was later sold to his daughter Dorothy Walker Bush and her husband Prescott Bush and has remained in the Bush family since.

The Kennebunkport estate was where President George H. W. Bush spent much of his childhood, and he inherited the property on the death of his parents. As an adult, Bush, his wife Barbara, and their children George, Jeb, Marvin, Neil, Dorothy, and Robin spent most summers at the estate, as well as family weddings, holidays, and receptions. While at the "summer White House," Bush hosted world leaders including Margaret Thatcher and Mikhail Gorbachev for informal and private meetings. As a young man, Bush relocated to Houston, Texas, and today the Bushes maintain a working residence in Tanglewood, where they spend most of their time.

Bush at Prairie Chapel Ranch

Currently, President George W. Bush, who often stays at Prairie Chapel, his Crawford, Texas ranch, visits with family in Kennebunkport several times a year.

The estate is situated on the strip of land called Walker's Point which juts out into the Atlantic Ocean. The large central house, built in the New England shingle style, has nine bedrooms, four sitting rooms, an office, a den, a library, a dining room, a kitchen, and various patios and decks. Next to the main house are a four-car garage, a pool, tennis court, dock, boathouse, and guesthouse. There are spacious lawns on either side of the house, on which there is a small sportsfield.

The entrance is gated and guarded by Secret Service officers, though visitors can see the driveway leading up to the main house and a circular driveway, in the middle of which is a large flagpole flying the American flag.

World Leaders Who Have Visited
Maine
Russian President Vladimir Putin visited with George W. Bush in 2007
French President Nicolas Sarkozy visited with both George H.W. Bush and George W. Bush at the compound in August 2007

World Leaders Who Have Visited Prairie Chapel Ranch
Russian President Vladimir Putin, November 2001
British Prime Minister Tony Blair, April 2002
Saudi King Abdullah, April 2002, April 2005
Saudi Prince Bandar bin Sultan, August 2002
Chinese President Jiāng Zémín, October 2002
Spanish Prime Minister José María Aznar, February 2003
Australian Prime Minister John Howard, May 2003
Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, May 2003
Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, July 2003
Mexican President Vicente Fox, March 2004, March 2005
Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, April 2004
Spanish King Juan Carlos and Queen Sofía, November 2004
Canadian Prime Minister Paul Martin, March 2005
Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, April 2005
Colombian President Álvaro Uribe, August 2005

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Israeli Card

Editorial

18 August 2007

REPUBLICAN presidential hopeful Rudy Giuliani has just announced that the Palestinians should not have a state of their own and that the United States must continue to support the state of Israel.

The former New York mayor’s close affinity to the Israel lobby is no secret. According to Giuliani, it is not in America’s interests to help create a state “which will support terrorism”. He added that Washington’s protection and support of Israel must be a “permanent” feature of its foreign policy. When he plays the Israeli card, he is doing the anticipated. In one respect it is good that Giuliani has nailed his colors to this mast so soon in the campaign. Effectively he has indicated that he too, like so many previous actual incumbents of the White House, is ready to sacrifice the direction of US Middle East policy to the dictates of an ungrateful “ally” that has been prepared to have its spies steal those few weapons secrets that the United States has been unwilling to supply for free.

Yet by abandoning the basic Bush stand —however feeble it may have been in execution — that the Palestinians should have their own independent state, is Giuliani perhaps representing the covert beliefs of the Republican political establishment? Can it be that the official statement of US principle, which even leading Israeli politicians have accepted in outline, is in fact so much hokum served up merely to assuage the widespread anger at Washington’s consistent partiality toward the state of Israel?

Polls indicate that even if he wins the Republican nomination, Giuliani is unlikely to make it to the Oval Office. After all, it’s unthinkable that the Republican conservative religious base that got the current president into office would vote for a man who is pro-choice and has expressed support for gay civil unions — a stance he only recanted earlier this year for obvious political reasons. Unfortunately whether the Democrats’ eventual candidate is Clinton or Obama, it will be harder to sell the idea of dialogue than military force. The only true anti-war candidate in the mix is the much-ignored presidential contender Rep. Dennis Kucinich of Ohio.

If American voters felt they could somehow hit back and expunge the shame of defeat in Iraq brought on by the bungling Bush, they might support a tough-talking candidate like Giuliani. And the former New York mayor has one big card yet to play — his city leadership at the time of the 9/11 attacks, which he will doubtless claim brought him right into the front line of the US war on international terror. (Critics will no doubt point to firefighters suffering from health issues related to Giuliani’s handling of the 9/11 cleanups, but at a national level he is still “America’s Mayor”).

Justice for Palestinians and US Middle Eastern double standard count for nothing when a man is aiming to become the most powerful man on the planet.

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Bush Pushes Agenda Without Congress

President Bush and first lady Laura Bush, left, walk down the stairs of Air Force One with their dog Barney in this Monday, Aug. 13, 2007 file photo, in Waco, Texas. The door is closing on President Bush's opportunity to shape domestic policy. His strength is sapped by an unpopular war, Democrats are running Congress, and the 2008 presidential election is in full roar, distracting attention from the president's priorities. With dwindling options, Bush has decided he might get more done in his final months by going it alone. (AP Photo/Evan Vucci)

16 August 2007
By DEB RIECHMANN

CRAWFORD, Texas -- The door is closing rapidly on President Bush's opportunity to shape domestic policy.

His strength is sapped by an unpopular war, Democrats are running Congress and the 2008 presidential election is in full roar, distracting attention from the president's priorities. With dwindling options, Bush has decided he might get more done in his final months by going it alone.

Outgoing presidents often unleash a flurry of executive orders and regulations in last-minute attempts to leave their mark on U.S. policy. Frustrated by Congress' inability or unwillingness to pass the president's agenda, the administration already is taking steps to do it through executive action.

With his immigration bill dead, the administration rolled out a proposed rule to address some of the major issues in the failed legislation. It will tighten border security, streamline guest-worker programs and pressure employers to fire illegal immigrant workers.

Bush said it was an example of acting within the boundaries of existing law when Congress failed to act.

Energy is another area where Bush is ready to go solo.

In his State of the Union address in January, Bush urged Congress to expand the use of alternative fuels to cut U.S. dependence on foreign oil. The president's energy proposal _ dubbed 20 in 10 _ aims to cut gasoline use by 20 percent in 10 years.

With the House and Senate struggling to compromise on their own energy measures, the president asked the head of the Environmental Protection Agency and Cabinet secretaries to see how much of his energy proposal could be done through regulation _ without congressional action.

"The president hopes Congress will return to Washington in September ready to work," said Joel Kaplan, Bush's deputy chief of staff for policy. "Now with that said, of course we're considering things that the president can do through his executive and administrative authorities. But, again, there's a long way to go in the legislative calendar."

Congress is on its August break, and the president is spending a working vacation at his Texas ranch.

With 17 months left in office, Bush has veto power and an arsenal of other executive powers to change policy. But his critics say he moved across a symbolic line toward lame duck status on Monday when his longtime political adviser, Karl Rove, announced he was leaving _ the latest in a growing line of senior officials to head for the door in the closing months of the administration.

Rove said there was unfinished business on energy, education and health care that the president would continue to pursue, with or without Congress' help. Rove said the administration might end up doing things by executive action.

"We have No Child Left Behind, which we can either do by law or regulation; we want to do it by law," Rove said. "The energy, 20-in-10 we can do both by legislation and regulation."

The Democratic Congress is going to be challenging Bush every step of the way _ on his agenda, the budget and particularly the war in Iraq _ as he runs out of time and influence and 2008 elections overshadow him.

John Podesta, former White House chief of staff for President Clinton, said Bush is "running into a brick wall in Congress" and will be forced to use executive action to further his domestic policy desires.

"Hardly a bill goes by that he doesn't issue a veto threat," Podesta said. "The places where he could find common ground, he's in a `Just say no' mode. I find that kind of surprising given the place he's at in his presidency."

White House advisers blame the Democratic Congress for some inaction on the president's agenda, although it was Bush's fellow Republicans who helped sink his immigration bill. The White House says Bush still has clout in Congress and points to recent legislative successes: signing a bill to implement many remaining recommendations of the Sept. 11 Commission and getting temporary authority to expand the government's ability to eavesdrop without warrants on communications that pass through the United States.

The White House cited another victory on Thursday when Jose Padilla was convicted of federal terrorism support charges after being held for 3 1/2 years as an enemy combatant. The case came to symbolize the Bush administration's zeal to stop homegrown terror.

"While the window on major legislation might be closing, there is certainly enough time to get some things done, especially in the foreign policy realm," presidential spokeswoman Dana Perino said, quoting White House chief of staff Joshua Bolten.

Perino said Bush would continue to push Congress to confirm his picks for the federal bench, reauthorize No Child Left Behind, pass his health care and energy initiatives, and approve free trade agreements with countries such as Peru, Colombia and South Korea.

"There is enough time to get a lot done, but we can't afford to waste a single day," she said.

Clinton walked out of the White House under a blizzard of presidential directives, and there was an upswing in regulations issued at the end of the presidencies of George H.W. Bush and Ronald Reagan.

About six or eight months before Clinton's presidency ended, his advisers began to think about all the mandates they wanted to get done before Bush's inauguration day, recalled Don Arbuckle, who retired last year after working more than 25 years at the Office of Management and Budget. In his final 20 days in office, Clinton issued 12 executive orders, including directives on migratory birds and the importation of diamonds from Sierra Leone.

Within hours after Bush was sworn in, Arbuckle said Bush advisers were asking him how to reverse Clinton's actions.

"Right up to the very end, they were trying to get things to the Federal Register and get them published and then immediately when President Bush took office, (former chief of staff) Andy Card issued a memo that said: `Hang on. Withdraw everything you can until the new political official from the Bush administration has a chance to look at it."

Kaplan said Bush could use his bully pulpit and veto threats along with executive orders and regulation to push his agenda, but that the president probably wouldn't follow Clinton's lead.

"I'm not sure you'll see this president or this administration trying to jam a number of midnight regulations through the door," Kaplan said.

___

On the Net:

White House:
http://www.whitehouse.gov

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White House Wants More Time on Subpoenas

17 August 2007

By
DEB RIECHMANN

CRAWFORD, Texas -The White House on Friday asked a Senate panel for more time to produce subpoenaed information about the legal justification for President Bush's secretive eavesdropping program.

Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Patrick Leahy had set Monday as the deadline for administration officials already subpoenaed to provide documents and testimony about the National Security Agency's eavesdropping program.

In a letter to Leahy, White House counsel Fred Fielding argued that the subpoenas called for the production of "extraordinarily sensitive national security information," and he said much of the information — if not all — could be subject to a claim of executive privilege.

Fielding asked Leahy to suspend the deadline until after Labor Day.

On June 27, the committee subpoenaed the Justice Department, National Security Council and the offices of the president and vice president for documents relating to the National Security Agency's legal justification for the wiretapping program. Since then, the issue has been the subject of several letters exchanged between Capitol Hill and the White House.

In one to Fielding on Aug. 8, Leahy noted that he had granted the White House's request to postpone the subpoenas' original July 18 deadline but was setting a new deadline of Aug. 20 because he could not wait any longer.

"You have rejected every proposal, produced none of the responsive documents, provided no basis for any claim of privilege and no accompanying log of withheld documents," wrote Leahy, D-Vt.

In Fielding's letter to Leahy, which was released by the White House in Crawford, Texas, where Bush is staying at his ranch, the president's lawyer said that while the White House had identified a core group of documents in response to the subpoenas, the work is "by no means complete" and could not be completed by Monday.

He suggested further conversations with the panel, saying the White House did not want the issue to interfere with the administration's desire to make more permanent the new powers Congress just gave NSA to monitor communications entering the United States involving foreigners who are the subjects of a national security investigation.

While Congress approved the measure, lawmakers specified that the new provisions would expire after six months, unless renewed.

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Friday, August 17, 2007

Boycott Movement Targets Israel

16 August 2007


When does a citizen-led boycott of a state become morally justified?

That question is raised by an expanding academic, cultural and economic boycott of Israel. The movement joins churches, unions, professional societies and other groups based in the United States, Canada, Europe and South Africa. It has elicited dramatic reactions from Israel’s supporters. U.S. labor leaders have condemned British unions, representing millions of workers, for supporting the Israel boycott. American academics have been frantically gathering signatures against the boycott, and have mounted a prominent advertising campaign in American newspapers - unwittingly elevating the controversy further in the public eye.

Israel’s defenders have protested that Israel is not the worst human-rights offender in the world, and singling it out is hypocrisy, or even anti-Semitism. Rhetorically, this shifts focus from Israel’s human rights record to the imagined motives of its critics.

But “the worst first” has never been the rule for whom to boycott. Had it been, the Pol Pot regime, not apartheid South Africa, would have been targeted in the past. It was not — Cambodia’s ties to the West were insufficient to make any embargo effective. Boycotting North Korea today would be similarly futile. Should every other quest for justice be put on hold as a result?

In contrast, the boycott of South Africa had grip. The opprobrium suffered by white South Africans unquestionably helped persuade them to yield to the just demands of the black majority. Israel, too, assiduously guards its public image. A dense web of economic and cultural relations also ties it to the West. That — and its irrefutably documented human-rights violations — render it ripe for boycott.

What state actions should trigger a boycott? Expelling or intimidating into flight a country’s majority population, then denying them internationally recognized rights to return to their homes? Israel has done that.

Seizing, without compensation, the properties of hundreds of thousands of refugees? Israel has done that.

Systematically torturing detainees, many held without trial? Israel has done that.

Assassinating its opponents, including those living in territories it occupies? Israel has done that.

Demolishing thousands of homes belonging to one national group, and settling its own people in another nation’s land? Israel has done that. No country with such a record, whether first or 50th worst in the world, can credibly protest a boycott.

Apartheid South Africa provides another useful standard. How does Israel’s behavior toward Palestinians compare to former South Africa’s treatment of blacks? It is similar or worse, say a number of South Africans, including Archbishop Desmond Tutu, U.N. special rapporteur in the occupied territories John Dugard, and African National Congress member and government minister Ronnie Kasrils. The latter observed recently that apartheid South Africa never used fighter jets to attack ANC activists, and judged Israel’s violent control of Palestinians as “10 times worse.” Dual laws for Jewish settlers and Palestinians, segregated roads and housing, and restrictions on Palestinians’ freedom of movement strongly recall apartheid South Africa. If boycotting apartheid South Africa was appropriate, it is equally fair to boycott Israel on a similar record.

Israel has been singled out, but not as its defenders complain. Instead, Israel has been enveloped in a cocoon of impunity. Our government has vetoed 41 U.N. Security Council resolutions condemning Israeli actions — half of the total U.S. vetoes since the birth of the United Nations — thus enabling Israel’s continuing abuses. The Bush administration has announced an increase in military aid to Israel to $30 billion for the coming decade.

Other military occupations and human-rights abusers have faced considerably rougher treatment. Just recall Iraq’s 1990 takeover of Kuwait. Perhaps the United Nations should have long ago issued Israel the ultimatum it gave Iraq — and enforced it. Israel’s occupation of Arab lands has now exceeded 40 years.

Iran, Sudan and Syria have all been targeted for federal and state-level sanctions. Even the City of Beverly Hills is contemplating Iran divestment actions, following the lead of Los Angeles, which approved Iran divestment legislation in June. Yet the Islamic Republic of Iran has never attacked its neighbors nor occupied their territories. It is merely suspected of aspiring to the same nuclear weapons Israel already possesses.

Politicians worldwide, and American ones especially, have failed us. Our leaders, from the executive branch to Congress, have dithered, or cheered Israel on, as it devoured the land base for a Palestinian state. Their collective irresponsibility dooms both Palestinians and Israelis to a future of strife and insecurity, and undermines our global stature. If politicians cannot lead the way, then citizens must. That is why boycotting Israel has become both necessary and justified.

This article appeared on page B9 of the San Francisco Chronicle.

George Bisharat is a professor of law at Hastings College of the Law in San Francisco, and writes frequently on law and politics in the Middle East.

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"Syria’s U.S. Envoy Blogs on Diaper Duty"

Entries are surprising coming from official of tightlipped government

Syria's U.S. ambassador, Imad Moustapha, manages stormy relations with Washington but still finds time to blog, writing about everything from art and music to diaper changes for his newborn daughter.

16 August 2007

By Zeina Karam

DAMASCUS, Syria - His job is managing Syria’s stormy relations with the United States, but Damascus’ ambassador in Washington still finds time to blog, writing about everything from art and music to diaper changes for his newborn daughter.

Imad Moustapha’s blog — full of personal musings and photos, even one of his wife in the hospital after their baby’s birth — is unusual for any diplomat. But it’s even more surprising for an official from Syria, where the government is among the most tightlipped in the Middle East.

“You have to remember that I belong to a, generally speaking, younger generation of Arab politicians. ... We are by nature more open than the older generation,” Moustapha, 47, told The Associated Press during a recent vacation in Damascus.

“I have a very, very difficult post and you need an outlet, a way of escape,” he said of the blog, which he began in 2005.

Moustapha’s fans say his English-language blog is more than a diversion.

“It does a lot toward changing the perception of Syria and what a Syrian diplomat would be like,” said Sami Moubayed, a Syrian political analyst in Damascus. “The blog has art, paintings, cultural stories. ... It does Syria a great service.”

Among Americans, Syria can use all the favorable publicity it can get.

Syrian-U.S. relations have been icy at best the past few years, particularly since the time Moustapha took up his Washington job in 2004. Relations plummeted after the February 2005 assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, an attack which many blamed on Damascus.

The U.S. pulled out its ambassador to Syria and clamped a diplomatic boycott on the country, accusing it of destabilizing Lebanon, sending insurgents to Iraq and supporting the militant anti-Israel groups Hezbollah and Hamas.

Syria, which has for years been on a U.S. State Department list of nations that support terror, denies involvement in Hariri’s assassination and calls the groups it supports legitimate resistance movements.

“It is not an easy job. Sometimes I almost feel depressed,” Moustapha wrote of his job at one point.

That’s about as close as he comes to discussing politics in the blog.

“My blog is my personal sphere. If I want to write about politics, which I do, I would publish it in the mainstream media,” he said.

Moustapha said he does not think Syrian President Bashar Assad is aware of his blog. “I never told the president about it,” he said.

Moustapha, who holds a doctorate in computer science from the University of Surrey in England, says he opposes the tight Internet restrictions in his country, where Web sites critical of the regime are frequently blocked.

“I do not believe that imposing restrictions is a good thing ... yet I understand that things need to move gradually,” he said.

That echoes his government’s position that change in Syria will take place at its own pace.

Several Syrian bloggers have been arrested for political writings on the Internet in recent years amid the explosion of blogging across the Mideast. Most bloggers based in Syria now avoid discussing politics.

In his blog, Moustapha writes about Syrian artists, his favorite books and the diplomatic hobnobbing he does on the job.

The blog is full of pictures of vacations with his wife, Rafif al-Sayed, to Europe and Santa Fe, N.M. — and accounts of their new role as parents since the birth of their daughter, Sidra, in January.

“Rafif and I have made an agreement regarding Sidra: she was to be in charge for everything that goes into the baby, I will be responsible for every thing that comes out of her. Accordingly, I became fully responsible for changing her diapers and bathing her,” Moustapha wrote.

He tells of how he put a Web cam in Sidra’s nursery so he can check in whenever he misses her.

“It is not out of the ordinary nowadays that, for example, while attending a meeting at the embassy with, say, the leaders of the American Jewish pro-peace organizations, I would excuse myself for a couple of minutes, rush to my adjacent office, check my Internet browser, assure myself that Sidra is blissfully asleep” and then return to work, he wrote recently.

Moustapha said he thinks Syrians are “pleasantly surprised” when they stumble across his blog. He also hopes it changes perceptions of Syria in the United States, citing e-mails he gets from Americans voicing surprise at a different look at his country.

“A drop in an ocean, but it’s a drop,” Moustapha said. “And this makes me happy.”

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The Greatest Riches in Life

In the streets of Kashgar .

The greatest riches in this life can not be purchased with money and they are priceless.

Allah loves the pious rich man who is inconspicuous. (Muslim)

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A New Day



Originally Written: 3 June 2007

by Housewife4Palestine

As Palestinian’s we are a strong people, we would have to be for those who struggle within this war and those who where forced to be apart of the Diaspora, waiting for the day that justice will prevail for all of us.

Our brother’s and sister’s in other parts of the world, that is being forced to be subjected to the same fate, as I learned some time ago, while we are being put through these hardship trials, that with patience and inner strength we will always prevail from those who wish us harm.

Anyone who makes a deal with Shaytan will always find his or her undoing, for history as shown that this is always the case.

No matter how many hardship’s we must endure, one day like the sweep of the wind a new day will come and those who created devastation will pay for their crimes as the innocent will fill the warmth of the sun on that new day.

We just cannot loose our faith; loose patience or hope for these struggles will keep us united as a people prevailing for what really is the truth.

Just remember, there are still people in the world that find it hard to believe the atrocities we face on a daily basis are too horrible for them to understand as the truth.

I am sure like the Jewish Holocaust was so overwhelming to the people of the world in time’s past, the Palestinian Holocaust which now goes off the scale in comparison, is equally if not more so to understand without seeing and understanding with their own eyes and hear with their own ears.

I have asked many times for Allah to help us now, but I know when the time is right, so shall He make this plight right as He to has done before.

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Bush Crying Wolf Once Again

Editorials

16 August 2007

It is ironic the United States names Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps a "specially designated global terrorist". There are many people who would describe the White House in similar terms.

Certainly it is apparent the US is still anxious to make Iran "public enemy No. 1" by painting the country in as bad a light as possible. It could be argued the Bush administration is trying to create general animosity towards Iran, so the US and its puppets can move against it militarily.

It is as if President George W. Bush wants to take on the Iranian regime, doubtless believing he can overthrow the government with its perceived anti-West stance.

Bush's aggression was seen early in his presidency with his "Bring it on!" call to Iraq - and similar jingoism about Afghanistan. But taking on Iran, especially when American forces and its allies are fully committed to trying to win unwinnable wars in Iraq and Afghanistan is a sure recipe for disaster.

Furthermore, it will be a move too far in the eyes of all Iran's neighbours. Any increase in tension in the region will unnecessarily excite public opinion and "confirm the instability of the Middle East", as seen by US lawmakers.

Yet those same lawmakers who wish to ratchet up the tension with Iran, have little or no understanding of the situation in the area, nor will they have if their only source of information is Fox News or CNN sound bytes.

Consequently, when Bush is lobbied by Congress to increase the pressure on Iran - or even Iraq, Palestine and Afghanistan - it becomes of great concern to Middle East countries as it is impossible to know where US action will end.

Even more so when the White House has no idea itself how it will get out of its own mess.

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CIA Rewriting Wikipedia?


Wikipedia tool finds US intelligence agency rewriting biographies of Nixon and Reagan.


CIA comes under the scanner

16 August 2007

London: The CIA has been re-writing the Wikipedia biographies of two former US presidents, Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan.

The Wikipedia Scanner, which trawls through the editing of entries, also discovered changes made to the background of the organisation and the invasion of Iraq.

An anonymous surfer at Labour Party’s Millbank headquarters was also found to have changed details on Wikipedia which is considered a breach of rules. And the Vatican worked on entries on its page about Catholic saints and Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams.

But the worst offender was Diebold, a supplier of electronic voting machines in the US, which was caught up in the 2000 election in San Diego, California. It was accused of “vandalism” for deleting 15 paragraphs from its product two years ago.

The Scanner, invented by technology researcher Virgil Griffiths, compares 5.3 million edits made on Wikipedia against more than two million internet addresses.

It uses a publicly available list of IP addresses assigned to companies or individuals and then scours changes to Wikipedia pages to reveal all the anonymous edits made from those addresses.

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Arab perspectives on the Iraq war


Nabil Shaat, the former Palestinian foreign minister

11 August 2007

The US invasion of Iraq in 2003 ushered in a new Arab discourse that has been in the making for some time.

The Arab world seemed to be united only in rejecting the war on Iraq or on any Arab country. But this unity seemed to end there. At the start of the war, Arab countries who are allies of the US were open about their position, interests and policies towards the Iraqi crisis.

Four years on, with sectarian war and bloodbath spiraling beyond control in Iraq, disunity among Arab countries seemed even more precarious.

The regional stability promised by the US when it invaded Iraq came in the form of fierce Sunni-Shia rivalry which claimed thousands of lives, blatant human rights abuses by American troops, Kurdish unrest in Northern Iraq and threat of civil war in Lebanon and Palestine.

The latest quagmire in Iraq has even prompted King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia – one of the US' closest allies to describe the US presence in Iraq as an occupation.

Inside Iraq this week looks at the Arab perspective on the Iraq war. How has it changed over the last four years and how will these changes impact political developments in the Middle East?

Our guests this week are Nabil Shaat, the former Palestinian foreign minister, Faysal Al-Miqdad, the Syrian deputy prime minister, and Hisham Yusuf, the spokesman for the Arab League's secretary-general.
Part 1

Part 2

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Analysis: New US-Israeli arms deal

16 August 2007
This new agreement sets increased levels of US military aid for Israel over the coming decade.

In broad terms, Israel will receive a total of some $30bn (£14.8bn) in military aid, a significant increase over $24bn (£12bn) it received over the past 10 years.

This is welcome news for Israel.

Last summer's war between Israel and the Lebanon-based Hezbollah demonstrated a complacency and lack of training within the Israel Defence Force (IDF).

Putting this right will require additional spending.

But improving the combat capabilities of Israel's infantry and armoured formations must go hand-in-hand with trying to find improved technical solutions to the threat of missile attack against Israeli population centres.

Israeli military planners must also contend with what they see as the potential long-range threat from Iran. So, there is no shortage of things to spend money on.

Increasing instalments

Israel has not got everything its own way.

Indeed, the visit of the US Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs, Nicholas Burns, was postponed earlier this month after it became clear that the US was not in a position to deliver the aid in quite the way the Israelis wanted.


US ARMS AID TO ISRAEL
$30bn over 10 years
1st payment of $2.55bn in 2008
Annual payments rising to $3.1bn by 2011
26.3% can be spent in Israel
Rest must be spent on US arms


The Israeli government would have preferred to get equal instalments each year over the 10-year period.

Instead, the aid will increase by some $150m (£76m) each year. In other words, Israel will get less of the money during the initial period of this deal than it had wanted.

The Israeli defence ministry will be able to spend a little over 25% of the military aid inside Israel itself - an important factor both in maintaining Israel's own industrial base and in maintaining its technical edge over any combination of adversaries.

Israel would probably like to have spent even more on domestically-produced weaponry but the Bush administration, mindful of pressure from America's own defence lobby, was unwilling to give more ground.

'Broader strategy'

Quite apart from the boost this gives to Israel's armed forces, it also sends a powerful signal of Washington's continued support for its principal ally in the region.

Israel is not the only recipient of US military largesse.

At the end of July, US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice unveiled a series of multi-billion dollar arms deals, involving not just the Israel package, but more weaponry for Egypt, Saudi Arabia and other key Gulf allies.

This would, Ms Rice said, "bolster forces of moderation and support a broader strategy to counter the negative influences of al-Qaeda, Hezbollah, Syria and Iran".

She argued that more weaponry for Egypt and Saudi Arabia in particular would "bolster our partners' resolve in confronting the threat of radicalism and cement their respective roles as regional leaders".

'Not the solution'

Critics will argue that additional weapons sales to this troubled region will not serve the cause of peace.

Part of the reason for Israel's increased package, they say, is to maintain its edge in the face of sophisticated weapons deliveries to Egypt and Saudi Arabia.

Indeed, in the wake of the somewhat compromised policy of spreading democracy in the region - an approach which threatened to sow a good deal of chaos in the short-term - these arms deals signal a return to a more traditional US approach; arming friends so better to bolster an alliance against common enemies.

Arms sales in themselves are not the solution to the region's problems. But it is probably wrong to see them simply as part of the problem.

The Bush administration's toppling of Saddam Hussein has caused a good deal of instability way beyond Iraq's borders. It has fundamentally altered the strategic map of the region.

And with Iran in the ascendancy, many of America's allies feel vulnerable.

Addressing their concerns is a necessary part of stabilising the region.

But arms sales have to be part of an integrated approach that brings together diplomatic peace efforts and a mix of carrots and sticks to try to win over potential or actual enemies.

Many of the Bush administration's critics argue that - despite its increased efforts to engage in the peace process - it still has not got this package quite right.

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Gaza: The Auschwitz of our Time

Largest Detention Camp in the World

11 August 2007

by
Khalid Amayreh

In 1940, several months after invading Poland in September 1939, the Nazis forced about 500,000 Jews into the Warsaw Ghetto, surrounding it with a high wall. Tens of thousands died from hunger and disease. Eventually, 300,000 were sent to death camps, mainly Treblinka in eastern Poland.

Similarly, Israel is now incarcerating nearly a million and a half helpless Palestinians in the Gaza Strip into a hell similar in nature to the Warsaw Ghetto. The Gaza concentration camp is not only fitted with a wall, but also with every conceivable tool of repression, such as electric fences and watch towers manned by Gestapo-like trigger-happy Jewish soldiers who shoot first and ask questions later.

Moreover, thousands of Israeli soldiers, are surrounding Gaza in a hermetic manner, shooting and killing any Palestinian trying to escape, e.g. enter Israel to search for work or even food.

Palestinian kids survive on bread and tea

Even Palestinian kids playing soccer near the hateful fences, are routinely riddled with bullets or reduced into pieces of human flesh by the "most moral army in the world."

As a result of these genocidal designs, Gazans in the thousands are dying of malnutrition and illness resulting from anemia. Moreover, Children in great numbers are surviving on a meager and totally inadequate diet consisting mainly of bread and tea.

This week, this writer contacted several Gaza families and asked to speak with the kids. The answers I received were truly horrifying. I did speak with 10 kids and was shocked to find out that seven of the kids told me their diet during the previous week consisted mainly of bread and tea in addition to some tomatoes.

The grown-ups, especially the parents, wouldn't reveal the extent of the unfolding tragedy they are facing. They would only say a terse "al hamdulillah" (thank God). But the tone of their voices tells us that they are in real distress.

The Gaza Strip into the largest detention camp in the World

The harsh blockade of Gaza didn't start in mid June when Hamas took over the small seaside region after defeating and ousting the American-backed Fatah forces led by Muhammed Dahlan and cohorts who had been planning, with American dollars and arms, to murder the Hamas leadership in order to receive a certificate of good conduct from the Bush Administration and Israel.

In fact, Gaza has been effectively under siege since 2000 when the second Palestinian intifada or uprising broke out. Since, then Gazans have been barred from exporting their products and produces.

Moreover, Israel, which has been telling the world that it had ended its occupation of Gaza, still retains full control of the Rafah border crossing with Egypt, thus reducing the Gaza Strip into the largest detention camp in the world.

To make a long story short, Gazans are being pushed into a situation very similar to that which prevailed at the Ghetto Warsaw. They are not allowed to work (unemployment in Gaza stands at more than 70%), they are not allowed to travel abroad, they are not allowed to enter Israel for work, they are not allowed even to go fishing offshore since Israeli gunboats would open fire at any fishing-boat daring to go more than a mile off the shore.

The criminal and draconian measures are meant to further impoverish Gazans to the extent that they won't be able to purchase food.

The declared Israeli goal behind starving and tormenting the people of Gaza is to force them to revolt against the democratically-elected government, led by the Hamas movement, and settle for a quisling-like government that would sell-out Palestinian national rights, including the paramount right of return for Palestinian refugees uprooted from their homes and villages by Jewish gangs in 1948, when Israel was created.

It is believed that up to two thirds of the inhabitants of Gaza are refugees. Hence, the intensive repression and coercion being meted out to these people in order to force them to give up their right to return to their homes and villages in what is now Israel.

It is crystal clear that Israel is steadily but certainly effecting a Nazi-like approach toward the people of the Gaza Strip.

The PR-conscious Israeli government, however, is hoping that the world will not take proactive measures to expose the creeping genocide in Gaza . This is why Israel is allowing limited shipments of food products , such as flour and cooking oil, into Gaza , to avoid a possible international outcry.

However, the supplies are conspicuously meager and don't meet the basic nutritional needs of the vast bulk of Gaza children.

Unfortunately, the United Nations Relief and Work Agency (UNRWA) seems to be conniving and colluding with Israel to keep the unfolding Gaza tragedy as silent as possible.

UNRWA officials do make idle statements from time to time, warning of an impending "humanitarian crisis" in Gaza. However, the UN agency often refrains from "saying it as it is," probably for fear of upsetting the Israelis and the Americans, who apparently don't like to hear words like "starvation, and concentration camps" with regard to the situation in Gaza find their way to the international media.

Israel is undoubtedly the central culprit in this man-made tragedy in Gaza, since it is up to her to allow Gazans to obtain food and export their products and especially their produces to the West Bank. Such a step, which would cost Israel nothing, would help Gazans obtain some meager income to feed their children.

However, Israel, as always, has apparently chosen to be faithful to long traditions of callousness and moral depravity, not unlike the way the Nazis treated their victims.

US administration, Abbas as guilty as Israel

But Israel is not the only guilty party in this tragedy. The US is actually as criminal as Israel, since the Bush administration is urging Israel to keep up the pressure on Gaza.

In fact, American officials keep congratulating their Israeli colleagues on the "success" of the blockade against Gaza. I wonder what kind of politicians are those who enjoy watching children starve to death? Are they human beings or cannibalistic beasts? This question ought to be directed to Condoleezza Rice whose behavior toward the Palestinian people is probably a thousand times worse than the behavior of the worst American white slave masters toward here forefathers.

Maybe it is naive to appeal to Rice's sense of justice and morality since her manifestly criminal record with regard to the Palestinian cause leaves no doubt as to the woman's unethical and evil character.

But if the Bush administration, which has been carrying a holocaust in Iraq, and Israel, which has been effecting ethnic cleansing in Palestine in the name of Jewish nationalism, can be "excused" on the ground that only evil can be expected from evil governments, the Palestinian regime of Mahmoud Abbas has no excuse whatsoever to collude and connive with Israel against the very people it is claiming to serve.

Such behavior, including the tacit and implicit encouragement of Israel to tighten the blockade of Gaza, and keep hundreds of thousands of encircled Gazans hungry and thoroughly tormented, characterizes quislings and agents of a foreign occupation.

Clearly, Abbas and his aides have much to explain to the Palestinian people. They also have much to atone for. This is if they still possess any sense of shame.

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Abbas Says No Talks With Hamas During Meeting

(KHALIL MAZRAAWI/AFP/Getty Images)

15 August 2007

Palestinian president Mahmud Abbas (R) gestures as he speaks during a meeting of the General Union of Palestine Workers in Amman.

Abbas reiterated today there will be no talks with Hamas, but acknowledged that the group is an 'integral' part of the Palestinian people.

His statement came during a surprise visit to Jordan to address the meeting of the General Union of Palestine Workers.

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Meet the Atawna Family

Unemployed in Gaza

AL-NUSAIRAT, GAZA STRIP - Arar Mohamad Atawna (R), 60, an unemployed Palestinian man, stands with eight of his twelve children in their home in Al-Nusairat refugee camp August 13, 2007 in Al-Nusairat, Gaza Strip. (Photo by Abid Katib/Getty Images)

Arar Mohamad Atawna (L), 60, stands with four of his twelve children in their home in Al-Nusairat refugee camp.

Slesea Ata Atawna (2nd-R), 40, sits with her children Asma (R), 2, Eman (2-L), 5, and Moaaz (3rd-L), 3, three of her twelve children, while her husband, Arar Mohamad Atawna (R), 60, (L), turns on an old fan in their home in Al-Nusairat refugee camp in Al-Nusairat, Gaza Strip.


Slesea Ata Atawna (L), wife of Arar Mohamad Atawna, makes tea in the kitchen with Bara'a (R), 5, and Moa'az, 3, two of her twelve children at their small home.


The Atawna family counts on aid from UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees) and the local Nour Almarefa charitable organization. Unemployment could rise to 80 percent among workers in the Gaza Strip, a Palestinian source in the Ministry of Labour said.

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PM, Abbas negotiate core issues on founding Palestinian state

JERUSALEM - MARCH 11: In this handout photo provided by the Palestinian Press Office (PPO), Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas (L) meets with Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert March 11, 2007 in Jerusalem, Israel. (Photo by Omar Rashidi/PPO via Getty Images)

16 August 2007

By
Barak Ravid

Talks between Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Palestinian Authority Chairman Mahmoud Abbas on a future Palestinian state are stuck on the issue of the Palestinian refugee problem, government sources in Jerusalem told Haaretz this week. Abbas is refusing to make significant concessions, the sources said.

They said Abbas and Olmert have in recent weeks been negotiating a new document on the core issues of forming a Palestinian state. The one-page document has five general clauses on central issues such as the permanent borders of the future Palestinian state, the question of jurisdiction over holy sites in Jerusalem, and the Palestinian refugee problem.

Olmert and Abbas have reached several understandings, but have yet to agree on actual resolutions, the sources said, adding that the two leaders will meet at the end of the month to discuss the issues.

Both Israeli and Palestinian parties involved in the negotiations said the document was meant to be completed for the international peace conference U.S. President George W. Bush plans to hold in the fall.

Foreign diplomats said Abbas' aides told them that the international conference could not take place before the document is completed. Sources at Olmert's office, however, suggested a different approach. "We're hoping to complete the document of principles before the conference, but the meeting does not depend on the document's completion," one said.

U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice is scheduled to arrive in Israel early next month to try to bridge the gap between the Palestinian and Israeli positions. Rice is reportedly determined to deal with core issues on her next visit, as opposed to tactical problems such as Israeli checkpoints in the West Bank or security concessions aimed at improving living conditions for the Palestinians.

If the document is completed in time it will form the basis for further discussions at the conference, government sources said. An extended Palestinian negotiation team will meet with an Israeli team to discuss each clause at greater length. Sources involved with the negotiations said the Palestinian side had already assembled a team to handle the talks.

Israeli diplomats have yet to set up such a delegation, but Jerusalem is currently forming a negotiating strategy for future talks with the Palestinians. The strategists are also enlisting international support and assistance for the talks.

The strategy is based on three areas:

1. Bilateral talks with the Palestinians. The guidelines for negotiations with the Palestinians are restricted to local issues. The immediate goal will be to weaken Hamas, the Fatah rivals who seized control of the Gaza Strip last June. This would be achieved through a boycott on Hamas amid attempts to bolster Abbas' West Bank government.

2. Regional Arab issues. In its dealings with moderate Arab states, Israel is no longer demanding full recognition. Instead, Israel will seek a gradual rapprochement with the Arab League. Israel aims to secure the Arab League's support and assistance for the international conference. Sources in Jerusalem said, however, that Arab diplomats are skeptical about the conference and fear that it has little chance of breaking the impasse in negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians.

3. Issues concerning the international community and the international Quartet of Mideast mediators. Israel, according to government sources, is seeking additional financial support for Abbas' regime from the United States, Russia, the European Union and the United Nations.

As Israeli diplomatic experts tackle these challenges, government sources believe the plans are hard to implement "even after we reach the document of understating with the Palestinians," one said. For this reason, a source in Jerusalem said that "the negotiations should aspire to pertain to as broad a diplomatic context as possible."

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Balance of Aid

Thursday, August 16, 2007

Nearly All the War Crimes Were Israel's

The Second Lebanon War, A Year Later
16 August 2007

By
JONATHAN COOK

This week marks a year since the end of hostilities now officially called the Second Lebanon war by Israelis. A month of fighting -- mostly Israeli aerial bombardment of Lebanon, and rocket attacks from the Shia militia Hizbullah on northern Israel in response -- ended with more than 1,000 Lebanese civilians and a small but unknown number of Hizbullah fighters dead, as well as 119 Israeli soldiers and 43 civilians.

When Israel and the United States realised that Hizbullah could not be bombed into submission, they pushed a resolution, 1701, through the United Nations. It placed an expanded international peacekeeping force, UNIFIL, in south Lebanon to keep Hizbullah in check and try to disarm its few thousand fighters.

But many significant developments since the war have gone unnoticed, including several that seriously put in question Israel's account of what happened last summer. This is old ground worth revisiting for that reason alone.

The war began on 12 July, when Israel launched waves of air strikes on Lebanon after Hizbullah killed three soldiers and captured two more on the northern border. (A further five troops were killed by a land mine when their tank crossed into Lebanon in hot pursuit.) Hizbullah had long been warning that it would seize soldiers if it had the chance, in an effort to push Israel into a prisoner exchange. Israel has been holding a handful of Lebanese prisoners since it withdrew from its two-decade occupation of south Lebanon in 2000.

The Israeli prime minister, Ehud Olmert, who has been widely blamed for the army's failure to subdue Hizbullah, appointed the Winograd Committee to investigate what went wrong. So far Winograd has been long on pointing out the country's military and political failures and short on explaining how the mistakes were made or who made them. Olmert is still in power, even if hugely unpopular.

In the meantime, there is every indication that Israel is planning another round of fighting against Hizbullah after it has "learnt the lessons" from the last war. The new defence minister, Ehud Barak, who was responsible for the 2000 withdrawal, has made it a priority to develop anti-missile systems such as "Iron Dome" to neutralise the rocket threat from Hizbullah, using some of the recently announced $30 billion of American military aid.

It has been left to the Israeli media to begin rewriting the history of last summer. Last weekend, an editorial in the liberal Haaretz newspaper went so far as to admit that this was "a war initiated by Israel against a relatively small guerrilla group". Israel's supporters, including high-profile defenders like Alan Dershowitz in the US who claimed that Israel had no choice but to bomb Lebanon, must have been squirming in their seats.

There are several reasons why Ha'aretz may have reached this new assessment.

Recent reports have revealed that one of the main justifications for Hizbullah's continuing resistance -- that Israel failed to withdraw fully from Lebanese territory in 2000 -- is now supported by the UN. Last month its cartographers quietly admitted that Lebanon is right in claiming sovereignty over a small fertile area known as the Shebaa Farms, still occupied by Israel. Israel argues that the territory is Syrian and will be returned in future peace talks with Damascus, even though Syria backs Lebanon's position. The UN's admission has been mostly ignored by the international media.

One of Israel's main claims during the war was that it made every effort to protect Lebanese civilians from its aerial bombardments. The casualty figures suggested otherwise, but increasingly so too does other evidence.

A shocking aspect of the war was Israel's firing of at least a million cluster bombs, old munitions supplied by the US with a failure rate as high as 50 per cent, in the last days of fighting. The tiny bomblets, effectively small land mines, were left littering south Lebanon after the UN-brokered ceasefire, and are reported so far to have killed 30 civilians and wounded at least another 180. Israeli commanders have admitted firing 1.2 million such bomblets, while the UN puts the figure closer to 3 million.

At the time, it looked suspiciously as if Israel had taken the brief opportunity before the war's end to make south Lebanon -- the heartland of both the country's Shia population and its militia, Hizbullah -- uninhabitable, and to prevent the return of hundreds of thousands of Shia who had fled Israel's earlier bombing campaigns.

Israel's use of cluster bombs has been described as a war crime by human rights organisations. According to the rules set by Israel's then chief of staff, Dan Halutz, the bombs should have been used only in open and unpopulated areas -- although with such a high failure rate, this would have done little to prevent later civilian casualties.

After the war, the army ordered an investigation, mainly to placate Washington, which was concerned at the widely reported fact that it had supplied the munitions. The findings, which should have been published months ago, have yet to be made public.

The delay is not surprising. An initial report by the army, leaked to the Israeli media, discovered that the cluster bombs had been fired into Lebanese population centres in gross violation of international law. The order was apparently given by the head of the Northern Command at the time, Udi Adam. A US State Department investigation reached a similar conclusion.

Another claim, one that Israel hoped might justify the large number of Lebanese civilians it killed during the war, was that Hizbullah fighters had been regularly hiding and firing rockets from among south Lebanon's civilian population. Human rights groups found scant evidence of this, but a senior UN official, Jan Egeland, offered succour by accusing Hizbullah of "cowardly blending".

There were always strong reasons for suspecting the Israeli claim to be untrue. Hizbullah had invested much effort in developing an elaborate system of tunnels and underground bunkers in the countryside, which Israel knew little about, in which it hid its rockets and from which fighters attacked Israeli soldiers as they tried to launch a ground invasion. Also, common sense suggests that Hizbullah fighters would have been unwilling to put their families, who live in south Lebanon's villages, in danger by launching rockets from among them.

Now Israeli front pages are carrying reports from Israeli military sources that put in serious doubt Israel's claims.

Since the war's end Hizbullah has apparently relocated most of its rockets to conceal them from the UN peacekeepers, who have been carrying out extensive searches of south Lebanon to disarm Hizbullah under the terms of Resolution 1701. According to the UNIFIL, some 33 of these underground bunkers ­ or more than 90 per cent -- have been located and Hizbullah weapons discovered there, including rockets and launchers, destroyed.

The Israeli media has noted that the Israeli army calls these sites "nature reserves"; similarly, the UN has made no mention of finding urban-based Hizbullah bunkers. Relying on military sources, Haaretz reported last month: "Most of the rockets fired against Israel during the war last year were launched from the 'nature reserves'." In short, even Israel is no longer claiming that Hizbullah was firing its rockets from among civilians.

According to the UN report, Hizbullah has moved the rockets out of the underground bunkers and abandoned its rural launch pads. Most rockets, it is believed, have gone north of the Litani River, beyond the range of the UN monitors. But some, according to the Israeli army, may have been moved into nearby Shia villages to hide them from the UN.

As a result, Haaretz noted that Israeli commanders had issued a warning to Lebanon that in future hostilities the army "will not hesitate to bomb -- and even totally destroy -- urban areas after it gives Lebanese civilians the chance to flee". How this would diverge from Israel's policy during the war, when Hizbullah was based in its "nature reserves" but Lebanese civilians were still bombed in their towns and villages, was not made clear.

If the Israeli army's new claims are true (unlike the old ones), Hizbullah's movement of some of its rockets into villages should be condemned. But not by Israel, whose army is breaking international law by concealing its weapons in civilian areas on a far grander scale.

As a first-hand observer of the fighting from Israel's side of the border last year, I noted on several occasions that Israel had built many of its permanent military installations, including weapons factories and army camps, and set up temporary artillery positions next to -- and in some cases inside -- civilian communities in the north of Israel.

Many of those communities are Arab: Arab citizens constitute about half of the Galilee's population. Locating military bases next to these communities was a particularly reckless act by the army as Arab towns and villages lack the public shelters and air raid warning systems available in Jewish communities. Eighteen of the 43 Israeli civilians killed were Arab -- a proportion that surprised many Israeli Jews, who assumed that Hizbullah would not want to target Arab communities.

In many cases it is still not possible to specify where Hizbullah rockets landed because Israel's military censor prevents any discussion that might identify the location of a military site. During the war Israel used this to advantageous effect: for example, it was widely reported that a Hizbullah rocket fell close to a hospital but reporters failed to mention that a large army camp was next to it. An actual strike against the camp could have been described in the very same terms.

It seems likely that Hizbullah, which had flown pilotless spy drones over Israel earlier in the year, similar to Israel's own aerial spying missions, knew where many of these military bases were. The question is, was Hizbullah trying to hit them or -- as most observers claimed, following Israel's lead -- was it actually more interested in killing civilians.

A full answer may never be possible, as we cannot know Hizbullah's intentions -- as opposed to the consequences of its actions -- any more than we can discern Israel's during the war.

Human Rights Watch, however, has argued that, because Hizbullah's basic rockets were not precise, every time they were fired into Israel they were effectively targeted at civilians. Hizbullah was therefore guilty of war crimes in using its rockets, whatever the intention of the launch teams. In other words, according to this reading of international law, only Israel had the right to fire missiles and drop bombs because its military hardware is more sophisticated -- and, of course, more deadly.

Nonetheless, new evidence suggests strongly that, whether or not Hizbullah had the right to use its rockets, it may often have been trying to hit military targets, even if it rarely succeeded. The Arab Association for Human Rights, based in Nazareth, has been compiling a report on the Hizbullah rocket strikes against Arab communities in the north since last summer. It is not sure whether it will ever be able to publish its findings because of the military censorship laws.

But the information currently available makes for interesting reading. The Association has looked at northern Arab communities hit by Hizbullah rockets, often repeatedly, and found that in every case there was at least one military base or artillery battery placed next to, or in a few cases inside, the community. In some communities there were several such sites.

This does not prove that Hizbullah wanted only to hit military bases, of course. But it does indicate that in some cases it was clearly trying to, even if it lacked the technical resources to be sure of doing so. It also suggests that, in terms of international law, Hizbullah behaved no worse, and probably far better, than Israel during the war.

The evidence so far indicates that Israel:

* established legitimate grounds for Hizbullah's attack on the border post by refusing to withdraw from the Lebanese territory of the Shebaa Farms in 2000;

* initiated a war of aggression be refusing to engage in talks about a prisoner swap offered by Hizbullah;

* committed a grave war crime by intentionally using cluster bombs against south Lebanon's civilians;

* repeatedly hit Lebanese communities, killing many civilians, even though the evidence is that no Hizbullah fighters were to be found there;

* and put its own civilians, especially Arab civilians, in great danger by making their communities targets for Hizbullah attacks and failing to protect them.

It is clear that during the Second Lebanon war Israel committed the most serious war crimes.

Jonathan Cook is a writer and journalist based in Nazareth, Israel. He is the author of the forthcoming "Blood and Religion: The Unmasking of the Jewish and Democratic State" published by Pluto Press, and available in the United States from the University of Michigan Press. His website is www.jkcook.net

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