Time To Weep

Al Aqsa Masjid (Mosque)
 

Palestine is an Islamic Country, with the beauty and richness that can only come by a kind and generous people. This same country before its occupation respected the three major religions, Islam Judaism and Christianity. It is our dream that with a free country that the three religions could once again visit the open city of Jerusalem. For now this city is considered a closed city through the Zionist regime.

Palestine Is Calling

Little Bird

My Ummah

Supplication

I look I see


Reverts Explaining the Beauty of Islam

How I became Muslim

Yusuf Ali- How I Became a Muslim


Those who spend (freely), whether in prosperity, or in adversity; who restrain anger, and pardon (all) men;- for Allah loves those who do good;
سورة آل عمران , Aal-e-Imran, Chapter 3:134

الَّذِينَ يُنفِقُونَ فِي السَّرَّاء وَالضَّرَّاء وَالْكَاظِمِينَ الْغَيْظَ وَالْعَافِينَ عَنِ النَّاسِ وَاللّهُ يُحِبُّ الْمُحْسِنِينَ



JERUSALEM/AL QUDS

Arabic: 'al-quds

Hebrew: yerushalayim

English: jerusalem


COMMON HISTORY

Capital of Israel with 650,000 inhabitants (2003 estimate). East Jerusalem, with about 300,000 is internationally recognized as Palestinian territory, but remains under Israeli rule, and will apparently stay this way in the foreseeable future.

Jerusalem lies about 55 km to the east of the coast of the Mediterranean Sea, and 25 km from the Dead Sea. It lies about 825-900 metres above sea level on the Judea-Samaria mountain range. The climate is subtropical, with warm and dry summers (24°C in August) and rainy winters (10°C in January). Some years Jerusalem even gets covered by snow. Annual rainfall is about 500 millimetres.

Jerusalem is divided into an old city, a new city and satellite towns scattered around it on all sides. On the eastern side, the towns have been built on land taken away from its rightful Palestinian owners, and filled with Jewish families, with the aim of making a return of East Jerusalem to Arab control as difficult as possible.

Jerusalem has had a Jewish majority since the late 19th century, and West Jerusalem has at no point in history been an Arab city. Jews represent the majority in some parts of the old city, but was prior to 1948 the largest group in the entire old city. Today, the Palestinians make up the majority in the old city.

Jerusalem is linked to Tel Aviv on the coast by highways and railways. Jerusalem International Airport lies in occupied Palestine, to the north.

ECONOMY

Jerusalem's economy is unusually limited for such a large city in the Middle East, with practically no industry. The lack of modern industry is to a large degree a political issue: the Israeli state has decided in favour of protecting the uniqueness of the city.

The main sources of income for Jerusalem are state institutions and government activities, building activities and tourism. The latter has declined since 2000, with numerous attacks from Palestinians in protest to the internationally condemned occupation of Palestine.

Other forms of service activities are banking, finance and insurance.
Among the main sorts of light industry in the city are diamond cutting and polishing, as well as printing and publishing. In recent years, new technologies have become increasingly important, often in cooperation with Jewish companies on the West Bank.

RELIGIOUS IMPORTANCE

Being the most holy city in Christianity and Judaism, and the 3rd holiest in Islam, Jerusalem is clearly the most important religious city in the world. The importance is exacerbated with some of the sanctuaries occupying virtually the same areas, and that the status of Jerusalem is one of the most tense issues in the Jewish/Arab conflict.

It was with the construction of the Temple of Jerusalem in the 10th century BCE that Jerusalem became the central city of Judaism.

Christianity, which is a continuation of Judaism, adheres to Jerusalem both because of its Jewish roots, and also because they believe that this is the main scene of the acts of Jesus and the ground where he was crucified.

In Islam, Jerusalem's importance is due to a tradition saying that Muhammad went on a celestial journey from the spot where the ruins of the Jewish temples was and where the Dome of the Rock later was erected. But Islam also adheres to Jerusalem because it claims to be the true version of Judaism and Christianity, hence both the Jewish temple and the life of Jesus is theoretically a part of the history of the religion of Islam. But the latter reason is strained in modern times, when Muslim leaders have focused on emphasizing the distance between Islam on one side and Judaism and Christianity on the other.

By itself, Jerusalem has played a surprisingly small role in the theological development of all the three religions. For Islam, Jerusalem is virtually unimportant, as most of the theological institutions of the formative first centuries were in Mesopotamia, Iran, Egypt and Arabia. For Judaism, most of the theological work has been in the many diasporas, and Europe has been a far more important arena for the development of the religion than Jerusalem. The people considered by Christianity to be the earliest Christians (see Jesus-Judaism) had already left Jerusalem or had never lived there during the period where Christianity came to be defined as an independent religion from Judaism. But Jerusalem has always been important as a symbol in all these religions.

Coexistence between religious groups have predominantly been peaceful, but at times of political instability tensions between the groups have resulted in riots and violence. Today, the old city is divided into 4 zones, one Muslim (the largest), one Jewish and two Christian.

All holy places and religious communities are administered through the Ministry of Religious Affairs. There are special desks for every major group. The Chief Rabbinate of Israel has its headquarters in the synagogue at Hekhal Shelomo. Muslims administers their issues through the Council of Waqf and Muslim Affairs (Sunni orientation) created in 1967.

The Christians are divided into a number of different orientations, and Jerusalem is the seat of 3 resident patriarchs of Eastern Orthodox churches, and there are many archbishops and bishops as well as embassies of most Christian sects. The main denominations share control over the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.

CULTURE

Jerusalem is administered as a cultural heritage. New constructions in the modern city are strongly controlled. Even if style is modern, only a limited range of stone types and colours are allowed, and the height of buildings is strictly controlled.


Culture in Jerusalem is predominantly oriented towards religion. Virtually all major sites and important buildings are of a religious character. The closest Jerusalem gets to an exception is the parliament building Knesset, an example of modern architecture in the early days of the state of Israel's history.

Ever since the arrival, the use of Jerusalem stone for all building facades has been obligatory. This applies to all modern structures.

For Christians the Church of the Holy Sepulchre is the most important of several important sites. It is believe to have been erected over the tomb of Jesus. The church was damaged by zealous Muslims in the 11th century, and today's church is the one rebuilt following the Christian conquest of Jerusalem in 1099.

Other central sites of Christians is the Via Dolorosa, where they believe that Jesus carried to cross on his way to his crucifixion. Where the actual route was, is impossible to determine with certainty.

A competitor to the Holy Sepulchre is the Garden Tomb, just to the north of the Old City, which in the late 19th century was claimed to be the place where Jesus was buried.

For Jews, there is really just one dominant site, the Western Wall. (see picture) It is all that is left after the Roman's destruction of the second Temple of Jerusalem. The main area of the temple is today occupied by the Dome of the Rock and the al-Aqsa mosque, both central sanctuaries to Islam.

Other Jewish sites are ruins of the Hurva synagogue, a rare reminiscence of Jewish immigration to Palestine in the early 18th century. Nearby fragments of the city wall of Hezekiah built in 701 BCE are found. Among the several doubtful sites of Jerusalem is the Tomb of King David, declared to lie on the Mount Zion.

While the Muslims only have one important sites in Jerusalem, it is nevertheless the most significant: The Dome of the Rock, which is not a mosque but a shrine. Next to it lies the al-Aqsa mosque. While it is built over the ground of the ancient Jewish temple, there was nothing but rubble here when the building process started in the 7th century.

Two buildings were erected between 688 and 691, but the second, a mosque, have not survived. It was the al-Aqsa mosque which replaced it. The famous golden dome of the Rock of the Dome is rather recent, but it corresponds with the original design. Until the 1960's it was covered by a bronze-aluminum alloy. Inside the Dome of the Rock, there is actually a rock of great religious importance. According to Jewish tradition this is the place where Abraham was about to sacrifice his son. It is quite possible that the rock became the innermost chamber of the first Temple of Jerusalem. The Muslims emphasize less the sacrifice of Abraham (mentioned in the Koran, 37) but there is a point on the rock where they claim that the prophet has left his footmark before ascending to heaven.

HISTORY

6th millennia BCE: The site of Jerusalem is inhabited by local peoples of whom we know practically nothing.

5th millennia: A people now known as Canaanites conquer the site.

15th century: The site comes under Egyptian rule, after being conquered by the army of king Tuthmosis 3.

Around 1250: Hebrews start conquering Canaan, but are unable to take control of Zion or Shalem, as it was known, thanks to its strong fortifications.

993: The Hebrew king David conquers Zion or Shalem. He makes it his capital, and the Ark of the Covenant is brought from Qiryat Ye'crim to the west, to Jerusalem.

10th century: King Solomon has a wall built around the city, and has many other important buildings erected in the city. His main project was the Temple of Jerusalem.

922: Jerusalem is sacked by the army of the Egyptian pharaoh Sheshonk 1.

9th century: With the disintegration of Israel, Jerusalem loses much of its wealth and its expansion comes to a halt.

850: Jerusalem is sacked by Philistines and Arabians.

8th century: Jerusalem is becoming richer again, and regains its regional importance.

786: Joash of Israel sacks Jerusalem.

701: Jerusalem is subdued by Assyria, which allows limited independence in compensation of a heavy tribute.

612: Assyria yields its supremacy over Jerusalem to Babylonia.

604: Jerusalem is pillaged by the Babylonians, and the king Jehoiakim and his court are captured and transferred to Babylon.

587/6: The Temple of Jerusalem is destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar.

582: Many of the inhabitants of Jerusalem are deported to Babylonia.

538: The Persians defeat Babylonia, and the Jews are allowed to return to Judea.

515: Despite Samarian opposition, the temple is reconstructed.

Middle 5th century: The fortifications of Jerusalem are restored.

333: Jerusalem effectively falls under the control of Alexander the Great, even if it is not conquered.

320's: Jerusalem comes under control of Egypt ruled by one of Alexander's generals Ptolemy 1 Soter.

198: Jerusalem is transferred to Seleucus 1 Nicator, ruling from Antioch.

167: The strong Hellenistic influence on Jewish rituals and the deliberate desecration of the Temple by the Seleucid ruler sparks a rebellion among conservative Jews, led at first by Mattathias son of Hasmoneus, later by his son Judas the Maccabee. The group, know as Maccabees, manages in driving the Selucids out of Jerusalem and Judea.

2nd century: Rulers of the Maccabee family take control over Jerusalem, bringing the city unprecedented wealth, and affirm its position as the holy city of Judaism and the goal of Jewish pilgrimage.

63: Jerusalem is conquered by the Roman general Pompey, but in most fields this has minimal impact on Jerusalem's power, wealth and culture. The city is named Hierosolyma.

40: Herod becomes king of the Roman province of Judea. He was of a Jew of Edomite origin and managed to get control over the conflicts between Jewish groups. He manages to bring great wealth to Jerusalem, and has the Temple rebuilt on a grand scale. He also constructed the Xystus, a grand open place; a palace; a hippodrome; a theatre and a large reservoir.

4: Herod dies, and is succeeded by his son Archelaus.

6 CE: The institution of king is replaced with Roman procurators.

66: The Jews rebel against the Romans.

70: Roman Emperor Vespasian takes control of Jerusalem following a Jewish rebellion, and razes the city. The temple was almost totally destroyed.

130: Jerusalem, now a city largely deserted and in ruins is stated to be reconstructed as a new city called Aelia Capitolina by the orders of Emperor Hadrian.

132: A new Jewish rebellion is staged by Simon Bar Kokhba, that would last or 4 years. Hadrian responded by recreating Jerusalem as a non-Jewish city under the name of Aelia Capitolina. No Jews were admitted into it.

336: The Church of the Holy Sepulchre is built over the ground where it was claimed that Jesus was buried. The church was constructed to include the place where Jesus was believed to have been crucified.

Middle 4th century: Large immigration of Christians to Jerusalem, and Christian pilgrimage becomes popular. The relatively small city of Jerusalem was soon turned into a Christian city.

6th century: The Armenian church establishes its patriarchate in Jerusalem.

614: Conquered by the Persian king Khosrau 2. Many of Jerusalem's inhabitants are massacred, and the churches destroyed.

628: Reconquered by the Byzantines.

637: Jerusalem is conquered by the Arab Muslims. Little is done to change the structures of the city, and the Christian majority is left in peace.

688: A grand construction is erected by Muslim rulers over the ruins of the Temple of Jerusalem, and the place where the Muslims claimed that Muhammad had ascended to heaven. The construction, known as Dome of the Rock was defined as a shrine, not as a mosque, and is even today the 3rd most holy spot for Muslims.

10th century: The al-Aqsa mosque is built next to the Dome of the Rock.

969: Jerusalem comes under control of the Fatimids of Cairo.

1010: Fatimid caliph al-Hakim orders the destruction of the Christian shrines of Jerusalem, including the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.

11th century: New city walls are erected, which exclude the City of David and Mt. Zion.

1071: Seljuq Turks conquer Jerusalem, and based upon their extremist and deviant Muslim views, they treat the remaining Christians population and the Christian pilgrims badly. Some were killed and many not admitted to the holy places of Jerusalem.

1098: Jerusalem is recaptured by the Egyptians.

1099: European crusaders arrive in Palestine, and quickly conquers Jerusalem. The grandest bloodbath in the city's history is staged, and an estimate of 70,000 men, women and children are slaughtered. The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem is founded.
— The Roman Catholic Church is established for the Middle East.

1149: The new Church of the Holy Sepulchre is consecrated.

1187: Jerusalem is reconquered by the Muslim under the leadership of Saladin. The Kingdom of Jerusalem continues to exist as a small state limited to the coast of Palestine.

1229: The crusaders gets back the control over Jerusalem following the signing of a treaty by German emperor Frederick 2 and the Egyptian sultan al-Kamil.

1244 July 11: Jerusalem is besieged and conquered by the Khorezmians.

1247: Conquered by Egyptian rulers (from 1250 Mamluks), and many centuries of decline are to follow. The only Christians remaining in town were Greek Orthodox and some eastern churches. Jews were however allowed to return.

1517: Jerusalem passes over to the Ottoman Empire.

1831: Jerusalem is conquered by Egyptian troops.

1840: The Ottomans reconquers Jerusalem.

1847: The Latin Patriarchate (Roman Catholic Church) is reestablished in Jerusalem.

1860's: New quarters of Jerusalem are being constructed outside the walled city, mainly by immigrating Jews.

1887: A municipality is established for Jerusalem.

1917: British troops take control of Jerusalem, following the defeat of the Ottomans in the World War 1.

1918: Hebrew University of Jerusalem is founded and located to Mount Scopus, northeast of the old city.

1922: Jerusalem becomes part of the British Mandate in Palestine.

1947: The UN defines Jerusalem as an international enclave following the partition of Palestine into one Jewish and one Palestinian part.

1948: The Jewish army takes control of western Jerusalem, as well as a corridor from the coastal regions. Jordan occupies the eastern parts with all the holy places.

1950: West Jerusalem is declared capital of Israel. East Jerusalem becomes part of Jordan, when the West Bank is annexed.

1967 June: Israel occupies all of Jerusalem as well as all land on the western side of Jordan river.

1980: The undivided Jerusalem is declared the eternal capital of Israel. This is received with protests from an entire international community, which with only 2 exceptions move embassies to Tel Aviv.

1981: The Old City of Jerusalem is designated a UNESCO World Heritage site.

1993 September: With the Oslo Agreement the future political status of Jerusalem is defined as a debatable issue.

1996: Palestinians protest against the construction of a pedestrian tunnel from the Via Dolorosa to the Western Wall. They feared that it would undermine the Muslim sanctuaries Dome of the Rock and the al-Aqsa mosque. More than 70 people die in the riots.

2000 October: Ariel Sharon visits the area of Muslim sanctuaries, a deliberate provocation as it really was intended as a visit to the lost Jewish Temple of Jerusalem, which hardline Jews wanted to recreate on the expense of the Muslim sanctuaries. Violence erupts resulting a wave of violent attacks by Palestinians against Jews in Israel and Palestine.

Asking Hamas for the moon: Severing ties illustrates flawed policy

Palestinian man sits in his wheelchair in front of his house in the Al Azza refugee camp in the West Bank town of Bethlehem March 30, 2006. (MaanImages/Magnus Johansson )
 

31 March 2006

by Arjan El Fassed
The Electronic Intifada


Canada and the US are the first governments that have severed all ties with the Palestinian Authority. Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister Peter MacKay and International Cooperation Minister Josee Verner announced this week that "Canada will have no contact with the members of the Hamas cabinet and is suspending assistance to the Palestinian Authority."

At the same time, representatives of the US administration sent an email to diplomats and contractors directing them to sever contact with Hamas-appointed government ministers, and even those who are not members of Hamas. The order said that communication is still permitted with the office of Mahmoud Abbas and with members of the Palestinian Legislative Council who have not been elected on the Hamas list.

Earlier, Israel stated that the PA "will become a terrorist authority unless Hamas, which controls the PA, fully accepts the threshold conditions as determined by Israel and approved by the Quartet." The US administration and Canada accordingly want Hamas to denounce violence, recognize Israel and accept previous agreements, including the Road Map. This move shows again how inconsistent foreign policy is towards Palestine and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

In mid-February, as the Israeli government announced that it would stop reimbursing the customs duty which it collects on behalf of the PA, the Israeli Prime Minister's Advisor Dov Weisglass was quoted by Israeli media as referring to the planned economic siege on the PA as a diet, whereby "the Palestinians will get a lot thinner, but won't die". Meanwhile, Palestinians face a looming humanitarian crisis due to prolonged closures of Palestinian territories. This has already resulted in shortages of food and other necessities and threatens to have a disastrous effect on the 1.3 million Palestinians who live in the Gaza Strip.

On more than one occasion the US administration has failed to denounce violence on the part of Israel, vetoed UN resolutions on the basis of "balance" and has not demanded the same conditions from Israel, while it provides much more aid to Israel.

In 2003, the US funded the Palestinian Authority with $224 million. By way of comparison, US military grants to Israel that same year were $2.1 billion, excluding the so-called "emergency wartime supplemental (Iraq)" of $1 billion. US economic aid to Israel that year consisted of $9 billion for approved loan guarantees, $600 million for economic grants and $60 million for immigration and resettlement assistance.

With all this leverage, the US never asked Israel to recognize Palestine, never asked Israel to denounce violence and never ensured that Israel respected signed agreements.

In October 2004, the US vetoed a Security Council resolution that demanded the "immediate cessation of all military operations in the area of Northern Gaza and the withdrawal of the Israeli occupying forces from that area" and which reiterated "its call for the cessation of violence and for respect of and adherence to legal obligations, including those under international humanitarian law." It called the resolution "lopsided and unbalanced".

This was not the first US veto of a resolution that called on Israel to denounce violence. The Bush administration alone has cast seven vetoes. More than once, US ambassadors have responded to these vetoes by saying that such resolutions would "undermine efforts to restore peace" in the Middle East.

During the military assault on northern Gaza at least 107 Palestinians were killed and 431 injured. Tank shells and helicopter missiles, fired into densely populated areas, caused many of the casualties. A quarter of those killed were aged 18 years and under. The dead include nine UNRWA pupils from six schools and two teachers.

The US and Canada want Hamas to recognize Israel. This in itself is not an easy demand. What would Hamas recognize? No Palestinian or Israeli would know where the boundaries of Israel are set. The governments that ask Hamas to recognize the state of Israel must be specific about Israel's boundaries before asking for recognition.

Over the years, Israel has captured additional territory. Does this mean the "Jewish State" as proposed in the UN Partition Plan of 1947, or would this mean the ceasefire lines of the War of 1967, area C of the Oslo Accords, or areas that Israel occupied since September 28, 2000? The newly elected Olmert cabinet plans to define Israel's borders unilaterally without dealing with the Hamas government, so why would Hamas bother to recognize this?

Apart from boundaries, there is another reason to be reluctant. There are at least 20 Israeli laws that specifically provide unequal rights and obligations based on what the Israelis call nationality, which in Israel is defined on the basis of religion. Israelis must carry a card that identifies them as a Jew, a Muslim or a Christian.

All non-Jews are second-class citizens. Why would one recognize a state that doesn't recognize its own citizens? Moreover, over 80 percent of the land within Israel that was once owned by Palestinians has been confiscated. Unlike any other country in the world, Israel does not define itself as a state of its residents, or even a state of its citizens; rather, as a state for Jews only. It is impossible to recognize that they can travel to Israel, declare citizenship, and be granted all the privileges of being Jewish that are denied to Palestinians who have lived in the area for hundreds of years.

The US, Canada and the European Union (EU) want Hamas to recognize a state that hasn't recognized Palestine as such. These countries themselves haven't recognized Palestine yet, even though more than 120 other countries have recognized Palestine following its proclamation by the Palestine National Council meeting in Algiers in November 1988.

In 1988, the UN acknowledged the proclamation of the State of Palestine in a General Assembly resolution (43/177). In July 1998, the General Assembly adopted a new resolution (52/250) conferring upon Palestine additional rights and privileges, including the right to participate in the general debate held at the start of each session of the General Assembly, the right of reply, the right to co-sponsor resolutions and the right to raise points of order on Palestinian and Middle Eastern issues. By this resolution, "seating for Palestine shall be arranged immediately after non-member States and before the other observers."

This resolution was adopted by a vote of 124 in favour, 4 against (Israel, US, Marshall Islands and Micronesia) and 10 abstentions. Canada itself was late to recognize Israel. Canada abstained when the admission of Israel to the UN came to a vote in the Security Council. Canada only granted recognition in May 1949, once Israel had been admitted to the UN. Palestine is already admitted to the UN, but Canada has failed to recognize Palestine. In contrast, within minutes after Israel declared its independence on May 15, 1948, US President Harry Truman granted recognition.

Israel, the US, the EU and Canada want Hamas to respect signed agreements. Yet how can Hamas respect signed agreements while Israel hasn't respected any of the agreements signed between Israel and the PLO? The Oslo agreements did not mention the military occupation and postponed, until the final stage, negotiations over core issues of the conflict: refugees, settlements, borders and Jerusalem. Although many thought that Oslo would lead to an end of the occupation and the establishment of an independent state, the process itself, and the failure of the US and the EU to act as honest brokers, allowed Israel to continue land confiscations, house demolitions and territorial expansion, leaving Palestinians with little to no recourse. Israel continued to build settlements in the occupied territories and the number of settlers doubled in the West Bank during the years of the 'peace process'.

The rebirth of the Oslo process in the Middle East Quartet-sponsored "Road Map" is not much better. While the Road Map calls for "reciprocal steps," attention thus far has almost exclusively focused on what measures Palestinians take, not what Israel should do. The Oslo Agreements expired on May 1999 and the Roadmap expired in 2005.

In a recent report to the UN Human Rights Commission, Special Rapporteur John Dugard said Israel had failed to adhere to the "road map" plan drawn up three years ago by the Quartet. He said the plan is hopelessly out of date and needs to be revamped.

Dugard suggested to the Quartet that it adopt a position on the conflict that would take more account of human rights violations in the occupied Palestinian territory and the refusal of Israel to comply with the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice, and that it revise the road map in accordance with these considerations. Before doing this, it would be a sign of wisdom if the governments of Canada, the US and the EU become consistent in their policies with respect to Israel and leave double standards behind.

Aid and constructive dialogue are essential because starving the Palestinians into submission would be a catastrophe. And like it or not, Hamas is the elected government of the Palestinians.


Arjan El Fassed is a co-founder of The Electronic Intifada

I was out near Tulkarm, near the refugee camp. As I stepped out of my car, I was looking towards a field when BOOM! I saw the boy fall the ground in front of me. He had been shot in the chest. A few minutes later he died. This picture was widely published around the world. The following week, when I returned to the area, an officer in the IDF saw me an immediately announced the area a closed military zone. -Photojournalist 

Statistics for the Palestinian Intifada

28 September, 2000 - 1 March, 2004

Palestinians killed 1
(Shuhada)

2,859 deaths including 527, or 19% children (below 18 years). At least 82% civilian. 600 killed by heavy weapons. 1,728 killed by live ammunition. 308 in assassination attacks/extrajudicial killings (grave breach of the 4th Geneva Convention and as such considered war crimes). 152 of those were bystanders or “unintended” victims, killed as they were with the victim, 35 were children and 25 were women. Investigations were not conducted, granting immunity to Israelis and allowing them to act unlawfully.2

Palestinians injured +41,000 3

West Bank4 :35.7% children, 32.4% by live ammunition, 64.9% upper body, 39% moderate-severe (16,673 cases, 28/02/02)
Gaza Strip 5 : c.20% children, 37% live ammunition, 60% upper body, (6000 cases - 6/3/02)
UNICEF estimates 7000 children injured.6

Permanent Disabilities

Estimated at 2,5007. Estimated 500 Palestinian child disabled.8

Attacks on Emergency Medical Personnel and Services 9

25 (1 German) physicians / nurses / ambulance drivers killed while on duty (opening fire on ambulances/shelling of residential areas).10

425 PRCS and Union of Palestinian Medical Relief Committees (UPMRC) Emergency Medical Technicians and first aid workers injured (including 2 physicians). 121 ambulances were attacked and damaged.

36 PRCS and UPMRC ambulances destroyed.

197 attacks on PRCS ambulances by live ammunition, rubber bullets, and/or stones thrown by Israeli settlers.

991 incidents of denial of access to PRCS ambulances at roadblocks were reported.
85 Palestinian deaths due to prevention of access to emergency health care or treatment of chronic diseases. 290 counts of hospitals and clinics attacked and damaged. 71 emergency personnel and volunteers arrested since the invasion on 29 Match 11. During the long invasion in March/April 2002, UPMRC staff were stopped, detained and denied access up to 3 times daily, since April 2002 the mobile clinics severely obstructed.

Attacks on Hospitals
(wounding patients, cutting off electricity supplies)

Shelling of French hospital (Bethlehem), damages estimated at $25,000,12
Al Hussein hospital (Bethlehem).13

Live ammunition fired at Beit Jala, A-Dibs, French Hospitals in Bethlehem.14
Al Alia Hospital (Hebron) on 3 occasions,15

Al Yamama (Bethlehem), PRCS Maternity Hospital (Ramallah) and Ramallah General Hospital shelled;16 access denied to Khalid hospital (Ramallah) for several days17
Settlers attacked Augusta Victoria Hospital (Jerusalem), shot security officer (automatic gun).18

During the long invasion in March/April 2002 a large number of hospitals and medical clinics were attacked throughout the West Bank.

Journalists

12 Journalists killed by Israeli forces, (1 Italian, 1 British),

295 journalists wounded as a result of gun shots, physical assault or other means of attack,

167 journalists attacked by Israeli soldiers, 94 attacks on press and media establishments,

46 incidents of press and media equipment damaged19; beaten, detained, equipment confiscated or destroyed; 5 Palestinian journalists arrested and currently in administrative detention.20

31 March 2002: Ramallah and El-Bireh declared closed military areas preventing journalists from entering the area and demanding reporters within the area to exit immediately.

April 2002: International Press Association declares the West Bank the second most dangerous place for journalists to work after Afghanistan.

Types of Ammunition used 21

Bullets: 5.56 mm (223 caliber),

7.02 mm, 9 mm, 50 caliber, 500 mm, 800 mm, rubber coated steel, plastic.
Missiles. Tank Fire. F-16 fighter jets


Reoccupation and incursions

Reoccupation of ‘A’ areas (prior to the major Israeli military operations in March/April and June 2002): Worst cases: Bethlehem (10 days), Jenin (40 days), Ramallah & El Bireh (20 days), Tulkarem, Qalqilya. Invasions into ‘A’ areas: Beit Rima, Deir Ghassana, Beit Lahia

February-March 2002: Sharon launches attacks against Palestinian refugee camps in the West Bank. Balata camp (Nablus) is particualry harshly attacked. 180 Palestinians, mainly refugees die in the span of two weeks (28 February-12 March) Major destruction and damage to private property.

29 March-1 May 2002: Israeli tanks invade all major towns in the West Bank except Hebron and Jericho. Towns placed under 24 hrs curfew, medical personnel and ambulances systematically attacked vandalism and major destruction to civil infrastructure, almost 260 Palestinians die. International outcry, UN Special Envoy declares that events in Jenin were “horrific beyond belief” and “morally repugnant”22

19 June: Israeli government launches second large-scale invasion into all West Bank towns and villages (expect Jericho). Complete reoccupation of the West Bank. Over the last month 2 million Palestinians have had 24hrs curfew imposed upon them

Closures and curfews
Collective punishment:
Affects 3 million Palestinians in West Bank & Gaza Strip. The most severe and sustained set of movement restrictions imposed since the beginning of the occupation in 196723.

- No access to medical care

- Movement restrictions on medical personnel / supplies

Internal closures and siege: 120 Israeli checkpoints in WB & GS. These and road blocks divide West Bank into 300 separate clusters and the Gaza Strip into 3 separate clusters.

Severe internal closure: West Bank: 66% of days, Partial internal closure: West Bank: 34%, Gaza 94% of days24

Closure causes humanitarian problems such as water and gas shortages (ed Beit Furik & Beit Dajan). Other examples: Residents of Al Mawasi ‘tagged’ with identity numbers, so that Israeli army can permit them minimum movement in and out of area. Israel erected electric gate at entrance to al Sifa, residents permitted movement in/out only from 7-9am and 3-5pm.

May 2002: Israeli government introduces new personal permit regime and makes movement between Palestinian towns in the West Bank impossible. The Bantustanization of the Palestinian territories is complete. Construction of “separation” fence between the West Bank and Israel started.

External closures: West Bank and Gaza Strip sealed off from the rest of the world.
Gaza International airport been closed since February 2001; “safe passage” between Gaza Strip & West Bank closed since Oct. 2000 (Oslo accords forbid its closure); frequent lengthy closure of bridge to Jordan, border with Egypt (Rafah entrance), entrances to Israel (Al-Mintar and Beit Hanoun crossings).

Since the beginning of March 2002 the Israeli army has repeatedly invaded areas under Palestinian control and placed towns and villages under prolonged curfew.

See Reoccupation and incursions


Palestinian arrests and detention by Israeli authorities

It is estimated that since the 29th of March 2002, 15,000 Palestinians have been detained,

6,000 of who remain in prison.

Of these, 1,700 Palestinians are under administrative detention25 meaning they have not had a trial, and are imprisoned without charges being brought against them.
350 Palestinian children currently held in Israeli prisons and detention centers inside Israel and in the West Bank.

Of these around 30 are held in administrative detention26. Many of the prisoners are subjected to torture and do not receive adequate medical care.


Property Damage
Attacks on residential areas (Collective punishment)

During the first 15 months of the Intifada physical damage amounted to US$ 305

million27. During the month long invasion in March/April the Israeli army destroyed and looted US$ 361 million worth of property28

Since the beginning of the Intifada until February 2002: Shelling & demolition destroyed 720 homes completely, and 11,553 damaged.

73,600 people were affected29.

30 mosques,

12 churches30,

134 water wells31, cemeteries.

34,606 olive & fruit trees uprooted32 & 1162.4 dunums of land confiscated33, 14,339 dunums of land bulldozed or burned34.

During the March-April invasion: 881 homes destroyed,

2,883 houses in refugee camps damaged affecting 22,500 people living in those houses35.

Gaza strip: more than 601 houses completely demolished, approx.

16,000 dunums (16 million square meters of land), mostly agricultural razed by the Israeli army36


Education
(Collective punishment)

MoE reports 850 schools temporarily closed,

8 schools turned into military barracks.

185 schools were shelled and fired upon by Israeli soldiers;
11 schools completely destroyed,

9 vandalized.

15 schools used as detention centers and army barracks.

132 Palestinian students killed and 2,500 injured on their way to or from school
1135 school days have been lost because of Israeli attacks37.

During the long invasion in March/April 2002

54, 730 teaching sessions per day were lost due the complete cessation of classes.

Economic conditions
(Collective punishment)

Total income losses to Palestinian economy est. between $ 3.2-10 billion (income only, does not include cost of destruction of public and private property).
Daily domestic losses: $6.0 – 8.6 million/business day
Total wage income loss: $59.4 million

Unemployment: Gaza 67%, West Bank 48%

75% of Palestinians living in poverty (less than $2 a day): 84.6% in Gaza and 57.8% in the West Bank38

Economic losses forcing 69% of Palestinian firms either to shut down or reduce production39

51% drop in GNP.40 Israel prevents 125,000 Palestinians from going to work41. The World Bank estimates that in case of a solution to the conflict and lifting of the closure it will take at least 2 years for the Palestinian economy to restore to a pre-Intifada per capita income level42

UN Resolutions/ Reports:
Condemning Israel for disproportionate and excessive use of force against Palestinian civilians and failure to adhere to international laws.
For more details see United Nations


7 May 2002: UN General Assembly,
10th Emergency Special Session resumed. Resolution ES-10/10: condemns the attacks committed by Israel against the Palestinian people, particularly in the Jenin refugee camp, and also condemns the refusal by Israel to cooperate with the Secretary-General’s fact-finding team to Jenin RC. Demands that Israel cease all hindrances and obstacles to the work of humanitarian org. and UN agencies in the OPT.

19 April 2002: Security Council resolution 1405: calls on Israel to lift the restrictions imposed on the operations of humanitarian organizations and welcomes the initiative of the Secretary-General to send a fact finding team to develop accurate information regarding events in the Jenin RC. (Israel refused to cooperate with the fact-finding team)

30 March 2002: Security Council resolution 1402: calls on Israel to withdraw its troops from Palestinian cities

15 April 2002: UN Human Right Commission condemns Israel for mass killings of Palestinians, blames Israel for “gross violations” of humanitarian law and affirms the legitimate right of the Palestinian people to resist the Israeli occupation
20 Dec 2001: General Assembly calls for halt to violence, implementation of Mitchell Report, reiterates applicability of IV Geneva Convention

6 Dec 2001: 114 Signatories to IV Geneva Convention issued joint declaration condemning Israel for indiscriminate and disproportionate use of violence and call for Israel to abide by international humanitarian law

3 Dec 2001: General Assembly votes on 6 resolutions criticizing Israel, areas include – status of Jerusalem, illegal Israeli settlements, inalienable rights of Palestinian people to self determination.

23 Nov 2001: UN Committee Against Torture, condemning Israeli practices
7- 13 Nov 2000: Mary Robinson, UN Human Rights Commissioner visits the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Following this she recommended the establishment of an international monitoring presence in the OPT.

20 Oct 2000: UN General Assembly, 10th Emergency Special Session

19 Oct 2000: UN Commission on Human Rights, 5th Special Session

11-15 Oct 2000: Special Rapporteur to the Commission on Human Rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories

7 Oct 2000: UN Security Council Resolution 1322: deplores the provocation carried our at the Al-Haram Al-Sharif in Jerusalem on 28 September 2000, calls upon Israel to abide by its legal obligations and responsibilities under the 4th Geneva Convention


Foreign Government
comments on Israel

April 10 2002: USA, EU, Russia and UN jointly call on Israel to immediately withdraw from Palestinian territories

April 16 2002: EU Commissioner on Development and Humanitarian Assistance says Israel impedes efforts of rescue workers and ridicules humanitarian law


Other International Comment
Various International agencies, condemning Israel / calling on halt to violence

Physicians for Human Rights (USA and Israel)

Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Network (EMHRN) - Denmark

International Federation of Human Rights (FIDH) - Paris

International Committee of Jurists (ICJ) - Sweden

Human Rights Watch - New York

Amnesty International

International Committee of Red Cross

For more details see respective websites, or Palestine Monitor


International Laws/ Resolutions violated

UN resolutions 242, 338/4th Geneva Convention/Hague Regulations/UN Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials/International Covenant of Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights/Convention on Elimination of All forms of Racial Discrimination/Convention on Rights of the Child and others


Note: reported figures are conservative since not all cases are documented. Additionally some figures are based on reports that are not up-to-date (please note the date of information source)


1 Health, Development, Information, and Policy Institute (HDIP)statistics based on infomation available at time of calculation

2 B’Tselem report: Illusions of restraint: Human Rights Violations During the Events in the Occupied Territories 29th September – 2nd December, 2000

3 Statistics can only account for those who went to health centers

4 Ministry of Health

5 Palestinian Center for Human Rights

6 UN Special Rapporteur of Commission on Human Rights, report March 2002, reported in DCI-PAL press release, 19th March, 2002

7 General Union of Disabled Palestinians

8 UN Special Rapporteur of Commission on Human Rights, report March 2002, reported in DCI-PAL press release, 19th March, 2002

9 Palestinian Red Crescent Society, 27th October 2001
Union of Palestinian Medical Relief Committees

10 Palestinian Center for Human Rights: 28th June, 2002

11 Palestinian Red Crescent Society 10th July, 2002,

12 Director, Holy Family Hospital, Bethlehem

13 During Israeli occupation of Bethlehem 19th - 29th October, 2001

14 Al- Ayyam newspaper, 19th Oct, 2000

15 LAW Society, Nov 4th and 8th 2000

16 During 3 day invasion and occupation of Ramallah, (12th-15th March, 2002)

17 During Israeli occupation of Ramallah, October 2001

18 LAW Society, Oct 29th 2000

19 Palestinian National Authority State Information Service

20 Information from the Palestinian Journalists Syndicate, Ramallah

21 Al-Haq

22 Terje Rød Larsen in BBC interview, 19 April 2002

23 A report by the Gaza office of the UN Middle East envoy Terje Rød-Larsen, February 2001.

24 UNSCO: “The Impact on the Palestinian economy of confrontation, border closures and mobility restrictions’, (Oct 2000 -30th Sept, 2001)

25 LAW Society (press release), 17th July, 2002

26 DCI information received August, 2002

27 UNSCO

28 Does not include income losses and social and humanitarian costs. Assessment made by international donors

29 Palestinian Humanitarian Disaster, U.S. Agency for International Development, July 10, 2002

30 Palestinian Council for Justice and Peace

31 Al-Mezan 2001

32 LAW Society, 29th Nov 2001 (figure from beginning of 2000)

33 LAW Society, 29th Nov 2001, (figure from beginning of 2000)

34 LAW Society, 29th Nov 2001, (figure from beginning of 2000)

35 Palestinian Center for Human Rights, 3rdJune, 2002

36 Ibid

37 Ministry of Education, 17 Jan 2002, information for Ministry of Education schools only, (from 28th Sept, 2000)

38 PCBS, April 2002

39 All above stats: UNSCO: ‘The Impact on the Palestinian Economy of Confrontation, Border Closures and Mobility Restrictions’, Oct 2000 - 30th Sept, 2001

40 Report by the Ministry of Planning and International Cooperation

41 Associated Press, 29th Oct, 2000

42 World Bank report, March 2002

The Palestinian Monitor

The Palestinian Intifada 1987

THE UPRISING ORIGINS AND DIRECTIONS


On 9th December, following a car accident in the Gaza Strip in which four Palestinians were killed, a period of sustained popular protest began which has become known as the uprising. The causes of this movement cannot be found in the individual events, which preceded the accident. Neither is the uprising simply a "spontaneous" expression of frustration with military occupation. The uprising can only be explained within the context of twenty years of political struggle between Israel and the Palestinians.

During this period Israel has attempted to consolidate the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, while exploiting its human and material resources for its own economic purposes. In opposition, the Palestinian national movement has been working to bring the occupation to an end. It is the dynamics of the conflict between these two opposing movements which have led to the current uprising, which represents a distinctive new phase in the struggle for an independent state.


Israeli Policy Towards the West Bank and Gaza

Israeli policies and practices since 1967 have aimed at affecting all aspects of life in the occupied territories; through controlling the political, economic, and social institutions, the occupation has sought to force the Palestinians into submission and to make them accept the status quo of military rule.

Israel has sought to reap the greatest possible economic benefit from the occupation, through a variety of legal and administrative measures instituted for that purpose.

The aggressive Israeli policy of land expropriation carried out over the past twenty years has resulted in the loss of 52% and 42% of the land in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip respectively. Land has been confiscated both for "security reasons" and for the construction of Israeli settlements, which have proliferated throughout the years of occupation.

Israeli control over water resources has also progressed rapidly, and has been a major cornerstone of the policy of control over the land. Legislation enacted by the Israelis stipulates that the amount of water allowed for Palestinian use should not exceed 90 to 100 million cubic meters annually until the year 2010. This means that Palestinians must maintain their water usage at the present level over the next two decades, while the Israeli settlers in the West Bank and Gaza Strip will be granted a 100% increase in the amount of water they can use during the 1980s.

The Palestinian economy as a whole has been subject to a systematic policy of destruction. In addition to the appropriation of vital land and water resources, the Israelis have weakened the ability of Palestinian agricultural produce to compete with Israeli produce in the captive market which has been created since 1967. To this end, Israel has imposed production quotas on Palestinian farmers, and has systematically denied them the subsidies it provides to Israeli producers.

Palestinian industry and commerce are similarly restricted. Industrial enterprises are denied subsidies, and the granting of import licenses is almost exclusively restricted to Israelis. The granting of licenses to establish productive enterprises is subject to many restrictions; in Gaza, where citrus products comprise 70% of exports, Palestinians planning to establish a fruit canning plant were denied a permit to do so.

The exploitation of Palestinian laborers working in Israeli enterprises is the most vivid example of the colonial situation created since 1967. The low wages paid to Palestinian workers and the fact that they do not enjoy the social benefits provided to Israeli workers have made them into a source of great profit to the Israeli
economy. Palestinian fund and social security contributions are deducted from their salaries without being returned upon retirement.

The Israelis also reap enormous benefits from the various kinds of taxes and duties levied on Palestinians in the occupied territories. Figures for 1986 indicate that $150 million were channelled into the Israeli treasury from taxes and customs duties alone. Another $250 million were raised from water fees, and an estimated $470 million from tourism.

It is clear from the above that the occupation is a highly profitable enterprise for the Israelis.

The profits enjoyed by the Israeli occupation authorities are made possible by the minimization of expenditure for services rendered to the population of the occupied territories. The health sector is symptomatic of this willful neglect. Indices of unequal health services include the number of hospital beds, the per capita expenditure on health care, and the number of physicians per person. The West Bank and Gaza Strip have one tenth of the number of hospital beds per person available in Israel, while the per capita government expenditure on health is 8% of that spent in Israel. The ratio of physicians to population is one to 1000 as compared to 29 to 1000 in Israel. The latter statistic is particularly telling in view of the 320 unemployed doctors in the West Bank and Gaza Strip who are unable to find work in the underdeveloped public health sector.

The low level of expenditure in other areas of Palestinian life is also well documented. Public education, social welfare services, and municipal public works are examples of sectors kept underdeveloped by the Israeli occupation authorities.

Measures Taken Against the Palestinians since 1982
1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

Political killings 53 9 10 13 21 28
Deportations 0 1 4 30 11 8
Administrative detentions 0 0 0 129 3 143
House demolitions and sealings 18 22 3 51 77 109



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
(Source: MERIP no. 150, Jan/Feb 1988)

These Israeli policies have been met over the past twenty years by sustained Palestinian resistance in many forms. Resistance, in turn, has been met by harsh measures. The record of Israeli repression of the Palestinian people under occupation is long and varied. It includes acts of collective and individual punishment such as destruction of homes and property, imposition of curfews on whole communities, forced closure of institutions and enterprises, the killing of hundreds of people, deportation of thousands of individuals, and the arbitrary arrest and detention of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians. The table above summarizes some of these measures taken against Palestinians since 1982.

Palestinian Resistance to Occupation

Palestinian resistance in the occupied territories has not been restricted to fighting Israeli policies forced upon the population. It has also developed in response to political and diplomatic activities viewed by the Palestinians as detrimental to and often aimed at suppressing their national aspirations. The most prominent of these struggles was waged in 1976 when the Israeli authorities tried, unsuccessfully, to put forth a "new leadership" through the holding of municipal elections. They hoped that the new "leadership" would accept the autonomy scheme subsumed under the rubric of the "Civil Administration", and that the demands for national sovereignty could be finally thwarted.

The Palestinian uprising of 1976 responded to these designs by electing nationalist figures into office. The elections were viewed as a popular referendum which dealt a decisive blow to the “Civil Administration” scheme designed to deprive Palestinians of national independence.

The uprising of 1979/80 was also directed against political efforts to stifle Palestinian demands for self-determination. Like the "Civil Administration" scheme, the Camp David accords negotiated by Anwar Sadat in Jerusalem and Washington were also designed to limit Palestinian authority to administrative matters, while keeping military and security affairs in the hands of Israel. Palestinian resistance to the Camp David version of autonomy was widespread: the clear demands of that time were the right to self-determination, the establishment of an independent state in the West Bank and Gaza, and the recognition of the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.

The Palestinian national movement also took a prominent role in pressing for the abrogation of the Jordanian-Palestinian accords which did not satisfy Palestinian demands for self-determination and statehood. The confederation with Jordan envisioned in these agreements also relegated the PLO to a peripheral role and denied it its status as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinians.

The Palestinian national movement in the occupied territories has developed and matured over the past twenty years and has consolidated a broad consensus on clear and realistic objectives for the Palestinians in the occupied territories and the diaspora. These objectives are national independence through the establishment of an independent Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip under the leadership of the PLO, and the right of return for Palestinian refugees to their homeland. The movement has also developed a strong social foundation of grass-roots organization, and has thus been able to foil Israeli and Jordanian attempts to create an alternative leadership in the form of the Village Leagues or pro-Jordanian personalities such as Elias Freij and Rashad al-Shawwa. These attempts failed largely due to the fact that these groups and personalities lacked a genuine social base, and were therefore unable to attract a mass following.


Uprising

The December uprising in the occupied territories can only be understood within this historical context of increasing political maturity and organization at the mass level. The current uprising thus represents one phase in the history of the Palestinian national movement. Nevertheless, it is unique in its wide scope and intensity, in the clarity of its political content, and in the unity and maturity of

In terms of the scope and intensity of the confrontations between the Palestinians and the Israeli occupier, it is striking that in its first 100 days the uprising witnessed a daily average of one martyr, about 25 wounded, and 40 arrested. In addition, the confrontations have taken place in all sectors of Palestinian society, in cities, towns, villages, and refugee camps, and have involved individuals of all ages and social backgrounds. The demonstrations have also taken unprecedented proportions: those with over 1000 participants have been frequent, especially in heavily populated areas.

The Israeli response to this unprecedented uprising has been to take unprecedented measures to suppress it. Curfews of long duration have been imposed upon many areas; at one time in February, 25 communities in the Nablus area were placed under curfew, depriving over 135,000 persons of freedom of movement and means of earning their livelihood. The Nablus area curfew lasted 13 days.

The intensity of the confrontations led to a brutal policy of breaking limbs, introduced and justified by the Defense Minister himself. Thousands of Palestinian men, women, and children can testify to the wholesale assault on their persons.

Palestinians have responded collectively by breaking curfew orders, and by determining for their own communities the hours during which they conduct their commercial affairs. The commercial strikes have been tremendously successful,
despite the persistent efforts of the Israeli army to impose its own timetable for the opening and closing of places of business. Palestinians have also been successful in hindering or preventing, often for days at a time, army penetration of their communities, especially in refugee camps and villages. The army has thus resorted to the increased use of helicopters to move soldiers into barricaded communities, to pursue youths over the hilly terrain, and to drop tear gas into areas inaccessible to their ground forces.

At a different level, the uprising has been characterized by the spirit of unity and a high level of organization. Both qualities have been demonstrated clearly in the field. Demonstrations and conflict with the army have not been restricted to any one group among Palestinians. All have taken part. "Unified" popular committees have kept watch at night in an effort to provide some protection for villages and refugee camps against settlers' vigilante raids. Unified relief committees have been set up to distribute food and clothing to camps and villages under siege, and supplies have been collected from Palestinians from all walks of life. "Field committees" have also been established to administer the daily requirements and needs of the struggle. The committees have been able to overcome narrow special interests, and to work for the common good.

In addition, there has been no dissonance in the various calls for steps to be taken during the uprising. The common and narrow calculus of special interests, more familiar at other times, has not arisen in discussions and planning pertaining to the uprising.

This unity in the field has been reflected in unity of demands. The demands and slogans of the uprising have revolved around the need to implement United Nations resolutions concerning the protection of the civilian population in the occupied territories from the indiscriminate attacks of the army. The demands have also included putting an end to deportations, mass arrests, killings, beatings, the imposition of curfews, and the withdrawal of the army from populated areas (given that its presence is the chief provocative agent in these areas). Moreover, the national movement has called for the abolition of taxes imposed by the occupation authorities, since these taxes are levied upon the occupied population in violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention. Demands have also been made for the reopening of schools, colleges and universities. All educational institutions in the West Bank have been closed by military order.

While these demands have been central in the uprising, the long-term vision of the solution to the Palestinian problem has not been neglected. The slogans of the uprising have been very clear: there is no possibility for a permanent solution without the participation of the PLO, the acceptance of the Palestinians' right to self-determination, and the establishment of a Palestinian state. Leaflets distributed, bearing the signature of the Unified National Leadership of the Uprising, have also emphasized that the most suitable vehicle for arriving at a peace settlement is an international conference with full authority and which includes the five permanent members of the UN Security Council, as well as the PLO.

The demands of the uprising have not only been clear; there has also been a consensus around them. This is obvious from the statements and leaflets issued by the leadership of the uprising and its popular committees. The political content of these declarations has been especially clear, and in particular the demand for national independence. This demand is also the main message of slogans chanted by demonstrators and painted on walls throughout the occupied territories.

But the process of outlining the salient features of the uprising would not be complete without addressing a large but central question: why is the current uprising different from the others which preceded it in both its comprehensiveness and political maturity? The answer to this question must begin with a consideration of two basic factors: first, the social composition of the occupied territories, and second, Israel's strategy towards the national movement, especially as it has unfolded in the 1980s.

Israel's policy of creating an economically dependent colony of the West Bank and Gaza Strip led Israel to tighten the noose on small and large productive enterprises, and on Palestinian agriculture. The lack of economic development in the occupied territories has resulted in scarcity of jobs for university graduates, resulting in large-scale unemployment in their ranks. They, along with many secondary school and college graduates, have had no option but to become laborers in whatever enterprises offered work in the occupied territories or in Israel. This same process of proletarianization has taken place with thousands of farmers in the occupied territories. The resultant change in the social composition of Palestinian society has reflected itself in the composition of the national movement. The table below illustrates this process of proletarianization.

The Wage Labor Force of the Occupied Territories
(thousands) Date Working in Israel Working in West Bank & Gaza Total
1970 20.6 152.7 173.3
1980 75.1 140.6 215.7
1985 86.1 153.5 239.6



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
(Source: Statistical Abstract of Israel, 1986)

The years of occupation, particularly the late 1970s and early 1980s, were characterized by the important role played in the national movement by the middle class and the more educated strata, such as professionals academics and students. This reflected itself in their assumption of an important role in the leadership of the national movement. The uprisings of 1979/1980 and 1982, for example, were led by political figures representing some of the national institutions, including municipalities, professional associations, universities and charitable societies. These uprisings depended, to a large extent, on the role of the leadership drawn from such institutions. But the gradual increase in the political role and weight of the lower social strata - such as villagers and the inhabitants of refugee camps, who were the main two sources of the developing labor force - together with the attempt of the Israelis to attack the political leadership of former uprisings through arrest and deportation, led the national movement to adapt to these new circumstances. As a result, we now see a distinctive role played in the current uprising by peasants and refugees from the camps. In addition we also see an important role for workers, dramatized through their intermittent boycott of work in Israel. Moreover, we also witness a decline in the role of representatives of the middle class and figures from the national institutions. During the uprising for instance universities and other educational institutions have not been the main venues for confrontations with the occupation authorities, as they had been previously. There is no longer any need or possibility for the uprising to be led directly by these national figures. For the first time we are now witnessing an uprising led directly by the national forces in the field, with national figures and institutions playing a less important role.

This fundamental change was brought about by the fact that the active lower strata have not operated within 'the 'framework of these national institutions, but have been more directly connected with the national political forces. As a result the political oscillations and maneuvers which some of the representatives of the middle class are prone to have been absent from the present struggle.

The social strata that have played a major role in the current uprising are the very same ones which have most felt the burden of occupation. Hence these strata have been more loyal to the principle of national independence.

As an illustration of this, one can point to the failure faced by some local Palestinian personalities in their attempt to use the uprising to peddle their personal political goods. Their failure was due to the fact that what they attempted to sell was not in consonance with the political positions of the masses of the uprising.

These attempts appeared in statements of people like Sari Nusseibeh and Hanna Siniora. Their comments on the Shultz initiative, for example, only involved the point that Shultz should meet with a delegation representing Palestinians inside and outside the occupied territories. They did not condemn the initiative. The position of the uprising, on the other hand, was unanimous and clear in its rejection of the principles upon which the initiative was based. This appeared clearly in the slogans carried and chanted during demonstrations, and in all the leaflets distributed during the uprising. The Shultz initiative was rejected because of its neglect of the principle of the Palestinians' right to self-determination and the establishment of an independent state under the leadership of the PLO. The initiative was seen as an extension of the Camp David accords and was consequently rejected.

The changes brought about by the current popular uprising within the national movement have also had another important result. The uprising has weakened the social base of Jordan's influence in the territories. Jordan has worked hard to establish a base of support in preparation for a possible Israeli-Jordanian agreement, based, most recently, on the Peres-Hussein "London agreement". The uprising has brought considerable pressure to bear on the mayors who were appointed by the Israeli authorities in co-ordination with Jordan. As a result many have resigned.

Moreover, the leaflets and slogans of the uprising have made it clear that the "Jordanian option" is rejected because it is simply a transfer of repression from Israel to Jordan. Under the best of circumstances it would only amount to a division of political tutelage over the Palestinian people between Israel and Jordan. What has assisted in the rejection of the Jordanian option is that the masses in the,, occupied territories still remember the bitterness of political repression they endured during Jordanian rule over the West Bank. Jordan's persistent attempts to suppress the political and national identity of the Palestinian people are still very fresh in the collective memory.

The uprising has witnessed the emergence of popular committees, which have provided the organizational structure for both popular protest and for the provision of community services. Committees supervise food distribution, co-ordinate medical services, and supervise the implementation of communiqué directives.

Although these committees have, in many cases, become public during the uprising, they are the fruit of community-based activism, which has developed through the years of occupation. Organizations promoting self-help and community self-reliance, as well as explicitly political organizations, have developed deep roots

Within their communities. As mass organizations they are now identical with the forces which are leading the national movement.

The new popular content of the national movement, and its detachment from bureaucratic institutions, have made it possible for the leadership of the national movement in the occupied territories to be effective. The leadership has also been effective because of its presence in the occupied territories, at the scene of the battle, so to speak. Through its political loyalty to the PLO and its local presence, it has been possible for the leadership to interact creatively with the masses and their local committees. Because of these factors, and given that the local leadership of the national movement is also in harmony with the Palestinian national consensus, it has been possible for it to work effectively. It has played the role of field command, in both its political and non-political aspects.

This has been instrumental in the development and unfolding of the uprising and its various tactical responses in the process of struggle, responses which were appropriate for the specific local circumstances.

In conclusion,the popular uprising has thus far resulted in concrete developments and gains at different levels:


1. The uprising has altered the balance between the national movement in the occupied territories and the occupation authorities. The national movement has been strengthened, and the occupation authorities have admitted that it will be very difficult to return things to the way they were before the uprising. Self-confidence among the masses has increased, and morale has received a tremendous boost. One indicator of this new equilibrium is the routing out of known informers and agents of the occupation within the local population. An example of this is the self-dissolution of some of the Village League branches that were set up by the Israeli authorities to facilitate their rule. Another example is the surrender of weapons by many collaborators to the people as a sign of repentance.
2. As a result of the uprising, Israel has found itself in a defensive position. This was reflected in media coverage, particularly in the US and Western Europe, where Israel used to enjoy most favorable reporting. Israel's embassies, consulates and supporters have had trouble explaining the events and presenting Israel's point of view. The uprising has put the Palestinian question back in a prominent place in the international media after a period of relative neglect; the struggle of the Palestinians has won legitimization.

3. The uprising has placed new constraints upon certain prominent figures who previously showed signs of willingness to accept solutions which were unacceptable to the Palestinian people, such as the "Jordanian option" or "autonomy". These solutions aimed at a division of political and administrative control of the occupied territories between Israel and Jordan at the expense of Palestinian sovereignty. An example of this is the position of Elias Freij, the mayor of Bethlehem, and Rashad al-Shawwa, the former mayor of Gaza. Freij declared on the eve of the first visit by Shultz that while he accepted meeting with the visiting Secretary of State, he did not want to do so alone, unaccompanied by other Palestinians. And despite al-Shawwals former position supporting the Jordanian option, he recently declared in a meeting with the head of the southern command of the Israeli army that he does not see any credible solution except total Israeli withdrawal from the occupied territories.

4. Finally, the uprising has strengthened the value which people within the national movement place in popular struggle, and it has enhanced its credibility as an option to achieve revolutionary results. This has led to a weakening of the role of bureaucratic elements within the national movement, to the extent that the uprising has increased confidence in popular action.

In addition, the uprising has weakened the idea that the national movement inside the occupied territories is a mere extension of the external PLO. Local leadership has often been perceived as an executor of instructions and a communicator of positions from the leadership outside. The uprising has strengthened the voice of those who view the relation as being interactive in such a way that gives the local leadership more room to maneuver. From this perspective flexibility is essential so that appropriate decisions can be made in light of concrete realities on the ground. It gives the leadership the right to share in political decision-making within the framework of the general unified stance adopted by the PLO.


Conclusion

The uprising has not been a spontaneous phenomenon; it is rather a mass-based movement of clear political content. It has generated a new dynamic whose hallmark is mature political consciousness among the Palestinian people.

The causes of the uprising cannot be reduced to a few Incidents, which immediately preceded its eruption. The uprising must be seen as a qualitatively distinct stage in a struggle, which was initiated over twenty years ago, between the Israeli occupation and the Palestinian national movement.

The central issue of this struggle has been that of sovereignty. Israel's attempts to suppress and exploit the Palestinian population 'and to "normalize" the occupation have been met by the Palestinians' struggle to end the occupation and to realize Palestinian sovereignty by establishing an Independent state In the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

The uprising represents a new stage in this movement, characterized by unprecedented intensity, built on a broad and popular organizational base. There is a new clarity and unity within the movement, which Is unequivocally demanding the right to self-determination and the establishment of a Palestinian state In the West Bank and Gaza under the leadership of the PLO.


Jerusalem Media & Communication Centre

Am I Terrorist…?

Serbian Army 

They call my people
blood thirsty terrorists
blowing up buildings and planes
with dynamite tied to their chests
killing civilians by the hundreds
-but am I a terrorist?


True, some of my people
of names similar to mine
do act violently in despair
when their human rights are stolen
when their suffering and plights are ignored
in the refugee camps of Sabra and Chatila.
- but am I a terrorist?


They are not living their faith
just acting on emotions and hate
full with the revenge for the oppressor
with little regard for innocent lives
they are just Muslim in name
-but am I a terrorist?


Islam, the religion of peace
teaches Muslims to respect life
"If anyone had killed one man
except in lieu of murder and mischief
it is as if he killed the whole mankind"
Same verse in Torah and Qur'an too
by the same God... Our Almighty Allah
-how could I be a terrorist?


Prophet Mohammad, Peace be upon him
was a mercy to mankind
he cared for the poor, elderly and sick
even if not from his faith
he stood in respect for a funeral procession of a Jew
he let a cat take a nap on his robe
not to disturb her, he cut his robe
He told Muslim armies not to hurt women and kids
sick and old, cut trees or kill animals just for fun
I love him so much
-how could I be a terrorist?


But why do they call us terrorists?
why not call the IRA, Red Army, Tamil Tigers
Militant Hindus or Serbians terrorists.
Why not call the militia
blowing up government buildings
and killing innocent civilians a terrorist
No, the term is reserved for Muslims
- and I am a Muslim.


We are the victims of terrorism
in Palestine, Kashmir, Bosnia and Kosova...
by individuals and states
with knives, guns, tanks and rape
-who is a terrorist?


I remember Serb soldiers came to my house
they killed my father and my big brother too
I miss them so much.
They raped my mom and my sister too.
I loved them so much.
Then they burned my house, my books and toys too
- and they call us terrorists.


I got scared, and fled into the woods
joined a caravan going to the border
migrating from oppression to a land of peace and freedom

I have walked two days and climbed a mountain
I am hungry and thirsty, tired and sick
My legs are weak and my feet are bleeding
unable to walk anymore
- do I look like a terrorist?


I am not a terrorist
I am a Muslim
seeking love, peace and justice
Ya Allah, please help me and my people.
"You alone I worship, from you alone I seek help"


026.083 "O my Lord! bestow wisdom on me,and join me with
the righteous;
026.085 And place me among the inheritors of the Garden of
Delight," (THE HOLY QUR'AN) ameen

Brother Anees

Note:

I applied this poem in response to my first bit of hate comment, which was posted to me. I do not and never have condoned terrorism in any form. Inshaallah (Allah Willing) I have always tried to be the best person I know how to be, for this is very important to me. Yes, I am a Palestinian Muslim but by no means would I ever wish to harm or cause destruction in any manner. As most people, I hope know that hate breeds hate and causes a person to loose reason.

I decided to physically post the hate comment to actually let people see the face of racism towards Palestine and its people:

Anonymous has left a new comment on your post "Peace For Palestine":

You are terrorists, your will not win.
Killing innocent lives in the name of G-d?
I am sure your G-d does not approve of killing in his name.
The world will not accept your terror!
By supporting your new goverment, you are giving an excuse for others to kill you.
Hamas is Palestine's enemy.
Peace and diplomacy is the only way for a future for everyone.

These small group who create hate, are not the solution to peace.

You are smart why destroy the future of your children.

All races and people should be able to live together in peace.

- Mike

Postscript:

I am actually saddened by this person’s comment not just he blindly threatened me and my family or accused me of things that is not true, But he just reinforced one of the problems I see today the real need for not only for peace in Palestine, but in the human heart. But one remark they did make that I agree, 'All races and people should be able to live together in peace.'

ISLAM & TERRORISM

Mohammad Shafi 


Terror = Control by intimidation.
Terrorism = The use of violence and intimidation for political purposes.

From the above dictionary meanings, it is clear that both 'terror' and 'terrorism' are not nice things. Both are based on perpetration of injustices. Any group or party, whether political or otherwise, or any nation for that matter, that unjustly tries to gain control over anything by intimidation & violence, indulges in terrorism.

However, the terrorism that is most decried and condemned nowadays is only the one that is apparently perpetrated by those who are themselves subjected to injustices by powerful nations. The terrorism resorted to by, or on behalf of, the Palestinian people is one such example.

And the most conspicuous act of such terrorism has been the one popularly known as 9/11. On 9th September, a few years ago, some young men hijacked commercially run planes and flew them into two huge Trade Center buidings in New York and into the high-security defence establishment of the Pentagon in Washington. The thousands of people who died in this attack included innocent civilians, working at the Trade Center buildings or travelling in the planes hijacked. The materials destroyed were worth millions and millions of dollars.

The persons actually involved in a number of such recent attacks, around the world, happen to be Muslims. Such attacks have therefore come to be categorised as 'Islamic Terrorism'. The terrorist attacks being suicidal in nature, the attackers themselves, in most cases, died during the course of the attacks.

It is pertinent here to reflect on the possible motivation of such attackers. Why do they undertake missions wherein they are almost certain to be killed? They being Muslims, we may surmise that they had been strongly brainwashed to believe that their acts would gain them Allah's pleasure and a sure place in Jannah, in the Hereafter.

Now, my question is: are they right? Would Allah be pleased with their suicidal acts that cause anarchy and widespread destruction of life & property on earth?

In order to get the Qur'aanic answer to any query, we have to understand properly the genesis of that query.

As we all know, the 9/11 attack has its origin in the Arab-Israeli conflict. This conflict arose because of a desire among a section of the Jews, scattered all around the world, to have an exclusive homeland of their own. They had their eyes on Palestine, which area was inhabited, late in the 19th century, overwhelmingly by Arab Muslims. Jews living there then were a minuscule minority.

A series of international political intrigues coupled with pogroms and holocausts brought about an exodus of the Jewish people from around the world into Palestine. So their ratio, with the ethnic Arab Muslims there, increased from 4:100 in 1878 to 48:100 in 1946. Although the Muslims were still more than double the number of Jews, the United Nations partitioned the area into Israel and Palestine, giving more space to Israel! In 1948, the Jews unilaterally proclaimed an independent state of Israel, and in subsequent wars against Arab states around, gained control not only of Arab Palestine but also of areas beyond. And they started establishing Jewish settlements in those occupied areas too!

These developments naturally generated immense resentment among the massively displaced Arabs, who had become refugees in their own country! And their resentment extended to the Western Nations, and particularly to the USA, because of these nations' moral and active military support to Israel. And the resentment culminated in 9/11!

From the above brief extract from recent history, it is apparent that the Arabs have been the victims of gross injustice and oppression. In the circumstances, some Muslims may wonder whether the Arabs were not justified in doing what they did. "What could they otherwise do? They didn't have the strength for an open military engagement with Israel and its ally, the mighty USA!"

What could the Arabs do, indeed, in the circumstances? Let us see what Allah says. "And, certainly, We shall test you with something of fear and hunger, and with loss of wealth, life and production. And gladden those who are patient, with prophecy of a good future. Those who, when any adversiity confronts them, say, 'We do indeed belong to Allah; and indeed are we to return to Him.' Those are the ones upon whom are the blessings from their Lord and His grace; and those are the ones that are rightly guided." [Verses 2.155 to 2.157] But the perpetrators of 9/11, and their mentors, had no patience. Seeing that they did not have the means at all to fight their oppressers openly, they sought soft targets: commercial aeroplanes, innocent passengers of those planes, huge Trade Center buildings and innocent officials, of all nationalities and religions, working in those buildings. They did not have the patience to wait for Allah to provide them with the right opportunity to hit back at the oppressers themselves and not at defenceless civilians. They did not follow the divine advice above and were therefore not rightly guided. Their deeds did not only fail to make any dent in their oppressers' armour and strength, but induced them to further oppressions. Remember what happened to Afghanistan, to Iraq and to Palestinians themselves living on the West Bank.
A school of thought, among Muslims, may argue that the terrorist attacks, like 9/11, are justified under the 'quisaas' law (the law of equality in punishment) sanctioned by Islam. Let us see what the Qur'aan says: "And if you should punish, then punish with the like of that with which you were afflicted. And if you exercise patience, then, certainly, that's better for the ones that are patient. And exercise patience! And your patience is not, but with Allah. And grieve not for them, and be not distressed because of what they conspire! Allah is indeed with those who fear Him and who do good deeds." [16.126 to 128]
Yes, Allah does permit retaliation - but only to the extent of the injury or hurt or loss etc. inflicted by the other party. And as regards the particular case under our study here, a section of Muslims may argue that since the USA has blatantly helped Israel in the latter's continued transgression and aggression, the Palestinians and the Arabs get the divine right to retaliate against the USA. To understand the divine right of retaliation properly, let us take one particular item of aggression. Israel has, with moral and material support from the USA, imputently occupied Arab territory. The Arabs therefore get the divine right to inflict a like punishment upon the USA. The like punishment would be to go and occupy USA territory! Could the Arabs do that!? They couldn't. They therefore ought to have exercised patience, and to have trust in Allah. The perpetrators of 9/11 didn't do that, but, instead, made illegal use of civilian property to destroy civilian property and to kill thousands of non-combatant civilians cruelly. They thus committed blatant disobedience of Allah's commandments contained in the above-quoted verses.

Some Muslims may yet argue that the USA had aided and abetted Israeli destruction of Arab property and cruel killings of thousands of Arab civilians, during the course of the illegal occupation of Arab land. 9/11 was just a retaliation of that destruction and killing.

But it is a fundamental principle of Islamic justice that 'no bearer of burdens shall bear another's burden' [Verses 35.18, 39.7, 53.38]. Under this principle, if A kills B's son, B can kill A, but not A's son. Likewise, if the USA Government has helped Israeli Government destroy Arab property and kill Arab civilians, the Arabs are theoretically entitled to the right to destroy equivalent USA/Israeli Government property and kill Government personnel responsible for the Arab losses. The Arabs are not entitled to destroy - as the perpetrators of 9/11 in fact did - civilian property and kill civilians of USA, and also of other nations, which were not involved at all in perpetrating the Arab losses.

Instead of resorting to the self-destructive terrorism, the Arabs, and the Muslims in general, would do well to heed divine advice: "And follow what has been revealed unto you, and be patient till Allah decrees. And He is the best of those who issue decrees." [10.109]

Mohammad Shafi
12th August, 2005

The Shooting of Little Akaber

Akaber Zaid 

Are We Done Killing Children, Yet?

March 27, 2006

By GIDEON LEVY


A bullet in the head from a distance of a few meters, fired suddenly and without warning shots aimed at the wheels, which the Israel Defense Forces claims there were. This is the way undercover soldiers from the Border Police killed Akaber Zaid, an eight-and-a-half year-old, who was on her way to the doctor, according to her uncle, who was with her and was also wounded.

Little Akaber was going to the doctor and he did indeed see her, but there was no longer a reason for him to do so. She had been on the way to have him remove stitches from her chin, but instead arrived dead at the same doctor's office, with her head smashed and her skull gaping.

Soldiers from the Border Police's undercover unit, known by the Hebrew acronym Yamas, shot at her uncle's taxi at close range as he was parking the vehicle next to the doctor's office. All the soldiers' claims, as presented to the media by the IDF, to the effect that they had shot at the taxi's wheels in accordance with the "regulations for arresting a suspect," were nothing but lies, says the girl's uncle, who was sitting next to her.

The car was sprayed from the right and from behind with bullets, which entered through its windows. The shots were fired from just a few meters away, the uncle stresses, in the light of a street lamp.

We saw the taxi this week: All its wheels are intact. However, those who carried out the "investigations" on behalf of the IDF and the Border Police did not even bother to examine the vehicle, or to question the man who had driven it. He was also wounded and is hospitalized.

We also took testimony from him and could not find a single fact on the ground that contradicts what he reports: The undercover soldiers shot at the girl from two directions, from nearby and, the uncle says, without warning. No soldier with a gun, certainly not an expert sharpshooter from the Yamas, would aim at close range at wheels and hit someone in the head instead.

Down the road, hundreds of meters from the shooting, are the remaining signs of the destruction wreaked by the Border Police. Not one wanted man was detained, but a five-story apartment block was badly damaged and there are wrecks of cars that were completely crushed, one after the other, still standing in the street.

Why did the undercover soldiers shoot at a young girl? How could they dare claim they aimed at the wheels? Why did they have to shoot at innocent people in a taxi in the first place? Why did they wreak such havoc? Why did they crush vehicles that were the last source of income for their owners? What is the difference between this action on the soldiers' part and a terrorist attack? And why are these questions not being asked?

The father did not accompany his daughter to Dr. Samara. He said he could not bear to see the doctor removing the stitches from her little chin. Akaber was a second-grade pupil from the village of Al-Yamoun, northwest of Jenin. In her picture from kindergarten, she can be seen wearing a square black graduation cap, like those worn by university graduates and people receiving doctorates. That is the custom in the Al-Yamoun kindergarten: The children who excel are photographed with the special hat. That is how she will remain in the collective consciousness of that town, whose sons once worked in Israel.

Akaber is not the first girl they are burying. How many children were killed in Al-Yamoun in the past few years? The school principal, who came to pay his condolences to the family, begins to list them, one by one, but stops suddenly and asks: "Why should I count them? Are we finished having our children killed?"

The father enters the mourners' room in the local council building, his eyes red with crying. Abdel Rahman Zaid, 31, the father of six, drives a commercial van that travels in the West Bank, when possible. About three weeks ago, Akaber fell on the stairs in her house and hurt her chin. Last Friday it was time to remove the stitches.

When Abdel Rahman returned from work, he asked his brother Kamal--a 27-year-old taxi driver, whom he calls Hamoudi--to go with Akaber to the doctor's house on the hill, where he has his office. It was Friday night, the last night of her life. His brother took the girl and she sat beside him in the passenger seat. The father stresses that the taxi's windows were transparent; there were no curtains covering them or hiding the passengers. Any soldier could see the occupants, any soldier from the Yamas could see that there was a small girl with a braid sitting there.

The two left for the doctor's and soon reached his street. From his bed in the government hospital in Jenin, his wounded hand in a bandage, Kamal relates that after parking, he suddenly noticed some soldiers to the right of the car. It is a narrow road and they were standing barely a few meters away. He says they began firing immediately, from the right and from behind. Only after that did he hear shouting in Hebrew, which he does not speak. Little Akaber was already lying on the seat with her head smashed.

Kamal lifted her up in his arms; the soldiers instructed him to leave her on the road. Thus, they remained on the road--the dead girl and her wounded uncle.

The Yamas soldiers ordered him to stand, to lift up his shirt and then to sit back down. They continued to shoot in the air, Kamal says. A neighbor took the girl to the doctor who was expecting her. From there she was taken to the hospital in Jenin where her death was confirmed.

The uncle's arm was bandaged on the spot and he was taken by military Jeep for interrogation. He says the soldiers beat him. There was a dog in the vehicle, who sniffed him, and a soldier called Raslan who, he says, hit him in the head when he spoke Arabic. Kamal took three bullets in the arm and leg. He says seven bullets hit the girl, three of them in her head.

The yellow Renault taxi tells the story: Its wheels are intact, but its body is riddled with bullet holes. The back window is shattered, and there are bullet holes in the back head rest and in its sides. There are blood stains everywhere, the blood of the dead girl and her wounded uncle. All this time, they hid her death from her father. Abdel Rahman had heard the shots--the doctor's office is not far from their house--but he never thought of his daughter somehow, only of his brother. He went to the doctor's office and there they told him that Akaber had been wounded. The doctor injected him with a sedative, and he says he did not wake up until morning. Only when he awoke and went home, at about 5 A.M., did his other brother break the bad news. His wife already knew: She heard the news on an Arabic-language TV station.

Through his tears, the father wants to tell us something: The girl's mother, Ikram, was born in Israel. Akaber was also Israeli. She was born in a Nazareth hospital and has an Israeli birth certificate. She was buried in the Al-Yamoun cemetery on Saturday morning.

The IDF Spokesman: "On March 17, while a special forces unit of the Border Police was engaged in arresting wanted men in the village of Al-Yamoun, northwest of Jenin, the unit surrounded an area in which there was a suspicion that wanted men were hiding. During the operation, the force saw a taxi that seemed suspicious approaching the area and began the procedure of arresting a suspect. When it failed to heed the soldiers' calls, they opened fire in the direction of the taxi."

Does anyone think the uncle would not have heeded the calls to stop if indeed the soldiers had called out? The man was taking his little niece to the doctor. The army announced merely that "the IDF regrets harming the Palestinian girl and is conducting a comprehensive examination of the circumstances of the event."

The scene of the destruction: A Palestinian bulldozer removed the wreckage next to the Zaid family's house on Sunday. A five-story building, which the soldiers suspected was housing wanted men, has been partially destroyed. The family members are now covering the huge holes in it with gray bricks, and its elegant columns are in danger of collapsing. In the yard below are the other wrecked cars: a yellow Mercedes taxi, a white Subaru, and another few pieces of metal that were once cars.

Mohammed Zaid, who owns one of the apartments, emerges from the debris: "This is the Jewish army--this is the bad Jewish army," shouts his uncle who is with him. Mohammed recalls that at about seven on Friday night, he saw another group of soldiers outside his grocery shop. They demanded that he tell all the residents to leave the building.

There are five large families--families of a lawyer, a doctor, an engineer, a teacher--living in the five stories. All the tenants went out into the street and had to wait there until morning--dozens of children, women and men--until the soldiers finished their work.

Mohammed says that the women and children acted as a barrier between the area where people were shooting at the soldiers, from one house, and the area where the Border Police was returning fire. When the building had been evacuated, they sent Mohammed to turn the lights on in all the rooms to see if someone was still there.

An IDF bulldozer was ready to tear the structure down. Mohammed says he suggested the soldiers accompany him to see that no one was left inside, but they shut him up, saying, "We know what work we have to do."

Around midnight, the bulldozer started tearing things down. The house across the street was also damaged.

Mohammed says he asked an officer: "Does Israeli law permit you to do this?" The officer said, according to Mohammed: "Go and complain at the UN."

Mohammed's brother, a dentist, whose clinic was completely destroyed, tried to tell an officer that he was a doctor "for humans," and the officer replied: "Shut up."

Mohammed was taken for interrogation at the Salem facility and was released only on Saturday at noon. He says he told his interrogator: "On TV, you say you are a democracy." The interrogator replied: "Democracy is only for the TV."

Mohammed, a teacher, says: "I always tell my pupils that we like peace. What will I tell them now? That this is what peace looks like?"

We go to the top of the hill where Akaber was killed. A sign points the way to Dr. Samara's clinic. Someone has placed a row of little stones on the road where the taxi stood, to mark where the little body was. The bloodstains have not yet been wiped away.

From an old elections poster, Yasser Arafat's picture looks down on this makeshift memorial to Akaber.

Gideon Levy writes for Ha'aretz.



The Impact of the Conflict on Children
124 Israeli children have been killed by Palestinians and 716 Palestinian children have been killed by Israelis since September 29, 2000. 

Click chart to enlarge. Source: Remember These Children.

“The majority of these [Palestinian] children were killed and injured while going about normal daily activities, such as going to school, playing, shopping, or simply being in their homes. Sixty-four percent of children killed during the first six months of 2003 died as a result of Israeli air and ground attacks, or from indiscriminate fire from Israeli soldiers.”

- Catherine Cook


Source: These numbers are from Remember These Children, a coalition of groups calling for an end to the killing of children and a fair resolution of the conflict. (View the complete list of the victims, which was last updated on April 3, 2006.)