The 5th Anniversary of the Opening of Guantanamo Bay detention Facility
On the 5th anniversary of the opening of Guantanamo Bay, the Islamic Human Rights Commission calls for the closure of the prison facility.
There is a great educational need to understanding the true issue of the State of Israel today.
As we are taught in Islam and by our Mother's, especially mine as well as my Grandmother that we are to love everyone.
I will readily admit the only people I have anything against are those who are occupying my country and murdering us, as well as the few underhanded idiots that once in awhile jump out of nowhere in attack mode. The latter I think, is more of sheepoholic lack of better judgment or right education.
At a time when Jimmy Carter comes out with a controversial book pertaining to the Palestinian question, that an article supposedly being released after Gerald Ford’s recent passing that seems to defaming Carter’s character. Especially, when so many people already in the media or in the forefront going back and forth already making Carter look more like a Tennis match then a person.
What makes it more ironic is how Gerald Ford is not alive to defend if the information is actually reprehensive of his true criticisms.
It is even more interesting, how Ford declined to comment on Bush, saying the best excuse; that he did not know him very well while usually these people run in the same dog pack.
Furthermore, Ronald Reagan would have been better in a dog Kennel, then the way he hurt American economically, when he was the alleged sleeping President.
Ford called Carter a 'disaster'
January 12, 2007
GRAND RAPIDS, Mich. -In 25 years of interviews with his hometown paper that could only be released upon his death, former President Ford once called Jimmy Carter a "disaster" who ranked alongside Warren Harding, and said Ronald Reagan received far too much credit for ending the Cold War.
"It makes me very irritated when Reagan's people pound their chests and say that because we had this big military buildup, the Kremlin collapsed," Ford told The Grand Rapids Press.
Ford contended his own negotiation of the Helsinki accords on human rights did more to win the Cold War than Reagan's military buildup.
The best president of his lifetime, Ford said, was a more moderate Republican: Dwight D. Eisenhower.
Harry Truman "would get very high marks" for his handling of foreign crises, Ford said. He also praised Richard Nixon as a foreign policy master, despite the Watergate scandal that drove him from office.
Ford considered John F. Kennedy overrated and Bill Clinton average. He admired George H.W. Bush's handling of the Persian Gulf War and had mixed opinions of Carter, who defeated Ford in 1976.
In 1981, Ford said: "I think Jimmy Carter would be very close to Warren G. Harding. I feel very strongly that Jimmy Carter was a disaster, particularly domestically and economically. I have said more than once that he was certainly the poorest president in my lifetime."
But two years later, he praised Carter's performance on the Panama Canal treaty, China and the Middle East. And in 1998, he said Carter "will be looked on as a better president than some comments we hear today."
"He was a very decent, fine individual," Ford told the paper. "There were no major mistakes. There just weren't a lot of exciting results."
Ford's gave the interviews on the condition that his remarks be withheld until after his death.
According to the newspaper, Ford declined to rate George W. Bush, saying he did not know him well enough.
Ford said Reagan, who challenged him unsuccessfully for the GOP nomination in 1976, was "a great spokesman for attractive political objectives" such as a balanced budget and defeating communism, "but when it came to implementation, his record never matched his words."
Reagan was "probably the least well-informed on the details of running the government of any president I knew," Ford said. In a separate interview, he said Reagan "was just a poor manager, and you can't be president and do a good job unless you manage."
Under the 1975 Helsinki accords signed by Ford, the United States recognized borders in Soviet-dominated Eastern Europe in exchange for the Soviets' pledge to respect basic human rights.
Ford said other key factors that won the Cold War were the Marshall Plan that helped rebuild Europe after World War II and the establishment of NATO.
"When you put peace, prosperity and human rights against poverty, a massive unsuccessful military program and a lack of human rights, communism was bound to collapse," he said. "No president, no Democrat or Republican, can claim credit for those programs. I'll tell you who deserves the credit — the American people."
Labels: Guantanamo Bay, Torture
Katherine Newell Bierman, a Human Rights Watch counter-terrorism counsel, said military hearings that allow prisoners to challenge their detention before a neutral decision-maker are inadequate.
"Without habeas corpus proceedings, there is no check on the executive power or decisions just to lock people up indefinitely."
Moral authority
Chito Peppler, a Pentagon spokesman said: "There is no requirement under the law of war ... that a detaining power charge enemy combatants with crimes, or give them lawyers or access to the courts in order to challenge their detention.
"The information gathered from detainees at Guantanamo has undoubtedly saved the lives of US and coalition forces in the field. That information has also thwarted threats posed to innocent civilians at home and abroad."
Amnesty said the US operation at Guantanamo Bay has weakened human rights and the rule of law and undermined Washington's moral authority to speak on other human rights issues such as the fighting in Darfur, Sudan, which Washington has described as a genocide.
Adil al-Zamil, sent home from Guantanamo in November 2005 and cleared by a court in Kuwait of all terrorism charges, said that detainees are "living in hell".
"I pray to God to give them patience," he said. "If I was still there, I'd be a crazy person."
As a president of the world's sole superpower, Bush is now wondering how to save his prestige and his country's position. Many questions arise while he was trying to find the way out. Is it possible to draw up a new strategy or would it be better to increase the number of US troops?
Would it be better to announce an immediate withdrawal as called for by the Democrats who seized control of the US Congress under the leadership of an iron lady - Nancy Pelosi, Speaker of the House of Representatives?
And would it be better to support Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri Al Maliki who unveiled his sectarian face during the execution procedure and lost the faith of Iraqis or would it be better to replace the current government with a stronger one?
Can the US preserve the unity of Iraq or is it time to admit that Iraq has already been divided into Sunni, Shiite and Kurdish states?
Strategic dialogue
What is better for Iraq? Is it to open a strategic dialogue with neighbouring countries as recommended by the James Baker report or to step up the political tension with Iran and turn it into a military confrontation as recommended by the neoconservatives in the Bush administration?
Suddenly, all Bush's choices have become extremely difficult and painful while his strategies are unrealistic. Bush's decisions are unconvincing while the Democratic Congress's proposals are inapplicable.
Although the recommendations of veteran diplomat Baker are not obligatory, 80 per cent of the Americans support his call for withdrawing US troops by 2008. More than 70 per cent of the Americans call on the new Congress to apply more pressure on Bush to set a pullout timetable within six months.
On the Iraqi side, 95 per cent of Iraqis believe that Iraq is worse off now under the US occupation than it was during Saddam's era.
Bush, however, had no other choice except to sacrifice some of his administration's symbols, change some security and military commanders and send 20,000 more troops to Iraq, to cover up his political and military failure and regain his prestige.
Opinion polls showed that 86 per cent of Americans do not trust their president anymore and hold him responsible for the catastrophic consequences of the Iraq war.
Apart from its defeat in Iraq, the US is facing the Latin American rebellion led by Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, North Korea's nuclear challenge, the growing Chinese economy, Russia's growing political role and Darfur issue, which all together have added to Bush's burdens.
While the world's sole superpower lives in a state of defeat and confusion after its president lost his sense of direction, the entire world is definitely in extreme danger.
There is nothing worse than an arrogant superpower but a confused superpower led by a lost president, and this is the case in Washington.
The world can no longer trust such a confused superpower and can no longer respect a president who doesn't know what to do.
Poor performance
The US is losing respect in the world due to the poor performance in Iraq and the excessive use of force after the September 11 attacks.
As respect for America declines, fear of its power is diminishing too. The US defeat in Iraq indicates that it is not the absolute power and hence its threats are not convincing anymore and can simply be ignored. Washington can be ignored exactly as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Sudan and Syria do.
Even resistance parties, such as the Lebanese Hezbollah and the Palestinian Hamas movement, as well as individuals such as Ayman Al Zawahiri, Al Qaida's second man, do ignore the US.
Confusion, failure and delusion have reached their highest levels in the US, and respect, faith and fear from the superpower have reached the lowest.
Such a country is not dangerous to itself but more harmful to the world which looks for security and stability.
Dr Abdulkhaleq Abdullah is Professor of Political Science at UAE University, Al Ain.
I write the following with thoughts, memories and a sad heart:
It is strange the things that pop up in life, my friend who I had not seen for over thirty years happened to find me as I had looked for her just as long.
She reminded me of many things about my mother that after a person has passed away and time goes on you tend to put in the back of your mind for safe keeping.
The main thing most people seem to remember about my mother was her extreme kindness and how she cared so much for others.
Nevertheless, this particular friend remembered something that has always been the most heartbreaking thing in my family, that fact that we wanted to go home. Even when my mother was running out of time on the bed she would pass away in, she told me that more then anything she just wished for me to go home.
While my mother sometimes had troubles talking in ways people could understand her, my friend remember parts of things she said and after all these years, what did they mean.
As she put it, she knew she came from “over there” meaning the Middle East, she could not truly understand that home was Palestine, until now. She could now understand why we couldn't go home. The problem was that even for a visit it was thought at one time that if you were a refugee you would never see home again, forced to live in the far reaches of the earth more wearing out suitcases then furniture. For some of us it is still this way.
While I admit I loved my mother’s advice and she was smarter then many people may have given her credit for, she lived in a world that was so foreign to her that she lived her whole life for lack of a better word lost, tormented by all the strangeness and hardships.
The few people in our travels that had been able to understand us made us happier then I wonder if they ever knew because even before the blow up of 9/11, refugee families like mine roamed the earth and many settled in so many different places sometimes never seeing family or friends ever again.
I never realized I guess because I have always had a problem with shyness, how much I have been appreciated in my life even now because I have always thought the kind of person I am was more towards humility and I am the person that Allah made to be just the way that I am. And as my father liked to remind me, I am too like my Mother.
It also a strange thing to tell and old friend that you are fighting of all things, peace. That all the injustice in the world needs to stop so we can all be happy again and I will even have to admit the wish my mother had for me to be able to go home and stay without someone shooting at me would be a blessing within itself.
I wonder how things have gotten so bad that we have gotten pitted against each other and with so much hate in the world this within itself is a crime. I am amazed how people’s religion, origin has came so much into play in my lifetime, when what should been most important is friendship!
As for all my mother’s hope and dreams, I too wish someday the world will be happy and Palestine will be a free country where we can all be friends and neighbors again.
For all my mother taught me and those who remember her, she was a great woman and I know in my heart she is in Paradise telling her poor jokes with her unusual laugh.
People think a lot about the stealing of land in Palestine, not that they also have stolen lives.
The Library
(President's Remarks: click viewer)
THE PRESIDENT: Good evening. Tonight in Iraq, the Armed Forces of the United States are engaged in a struggle that will determine the direction of the global war on terror -- and our safety here at home. The new strategy I outline tonight will change America's course in Iraq, and help us succeed in the fight against terror.
But in 2006, the opposite happened. The violence in Iraq -- particularly in Baghdad -- overwhelmed the political gains the Iraqis had made. Al Qaeda terrorists and Sunni insurgents recognized the mortal danger that Iraq's elections posed for their cause, and they responded with outrageous acts of murder aimed at innocent Iraqis. They blew up one of the holiest shrines in Shia Islam -- the Golden Mosque of Samarra -- in a calculated effort to provoke Iraq's Shia population to retaliate. Their strategy worked. Radical Shia elements, some supported by Iran, formed death squads. And the result was a vicious cycle of sectarian violence that continues today.
The situation in Iraq is unacceptable to the American people -- and it is unacceptable to me. Our troops in Iraq have fought bravely. They have done everything we have asked them to do. Where mistakes have been made, the responsibility rests with me.
It is clear that we need to change our strategy in Iraq. So my national security team, military commanders, and diplomats conducted a comprehensive review. We consulted members of Congress from both parties, our allies abroad, and distinguished outside experts. We benefitted from the thoughtful recommendations of the Iraq Study Group, a bipartisan panel led by former Secretary of State James Baker and former Congressman Lee Hamilton. In our discussions, we all agreed that there is no magic formula for success in Iraq. And one message came through loud and clear: Failure in Iraq would be a disaster for the United States.
The consequences of failure are clear: Radical Islamic extremists would grow in strength and gain new recruits. They would be in a better position to topple moderate governments, create chaos in the region, and use oil revenues to fund their ambitions. Iran would be emboldened in its pursuit of nuclear weapons. Our enemies would have a safe haven from which to plan and launch attacks on the American people. On September the 11th, 2001, we saw what a refuge for extremists on the other side of the world could bring to the streets of our own cities. For the safety of our people, America must succeed in Iraq.
The most urgent priority for success in Iraq is security, especially in Baghdad. Eighty percent of Iraq's sectarian violence occurs within 30 miles of the capital. This violence is splitting Baghdad into sectarian enclaves, and shaking the confidence of all Iraqis. Only Iraqis can end the sectarian violence and secure their people. And their government has put forward an aggressive plan to do it.
Our past efforts to secure Baghdad failed for two principal reasons: There were not enough Iraqi and American troops to secure neighborhoods that had been cleared of terrorists and insurgents. And there were too many restrictions on the troops we did have. Our military commanders reviewed the new Iraqi plan to ensure that it addressed these mistakes. They report that it does. They also report that this plan can work.
Now let me explain the main elements of this effort: The Iraqi government will appoint a military commander and two deputy commanders for their capital. The Iraqi government will deploy Iraqi Army and National Police brigades across Baghdad's nine districts. When these forces are fully deployed, there will be 18 Iraqi Army and National Police brigades committed to this effort, along with local police. These Iraqi forces will operate from local police stations -- conducting patrols and setting up checkpoints, and going door-to-door to gain the trust of Baghdad residents.
This is a strong commitment. But for it to succeed, our commanders say the Iraqis will need our help. So America will change our strategy to help the Iraqis carry out their campaign to put down sectarian violence and bring security to the people of Baghdad. This will require increasing American force levels. So I've committed more than 20,000 additional American troops to Iraq. The vast majority of them -- five brigades -- will be deployed to Baghdad. These troops will work alongside Iraqi units and be embedded in their formations. Our troops will have a well-defined mission: to help Iraqis clear and secure neighborhoods, to help them protect the local population, and to help ensure that the Iraqi forces left behind are capable of providing the security that Baghdad needs.
Many listening tonight will ask why this effort will succeed when previous operations to secure Baghdad did not. Well, here are the differences: In earlier operations, Iraqi and American forces cleared many neighborhoods of terrorists and insurgents, but when our forces moved on to other targets, the killers returned. This time, we'll have the force levels we need to hold the areas that have been cleared. In earlier operations, political and sectarian interference prevented Iraqi and American forces from going into neighborhoods that are home to those fueling the sectarian violence. This time, Iraqi and American forces will have a green light to enter those neighborhoods -- and Prime Minister Maliki has pledged that political or sectarian interference will not be tolerated.
I've made it clear to the Prime Minister and Iraq's other leaders that America's commitment is not open-ended. If the Iraqi government does not follow through on its promises, it will lose the support of the American people -- and it will lose the support of the Iraqi people. Now is the time to act. The Prime Minister understands this. Here is what he told his people just last week: "The Baghdad security plan will not provide a safe haven for any outlaws, regardless of [their] sectarian or political affiliation."
This new strategy will not yield an immediate end to suicide bombings, assassinations, or IED attacks. Our enemies in Iraq will make every effort to ensure that our television screens are filled with images of death and suffering. Yet over time, we can expect to see Iraqi troops chasing down murderers, fewer brazen acts of terror, and growing trust and cooperation from Baghdad's residents. When this happens, daily life will improve, Iraqis will gain confidence in their leaders, and the government will have the breathing space it needs to make progress in other critical areas. Most of Iraq's Sunni and Shia want to live together in peace -- and reducing the violence in Baghdad will help make reconciliation possible.
A successful strategy for Iraq goes beyond military operations. Ordinary Iraqi citizens must see that military operations are accompanied by visible improvements in their neighborhoods and communities. So America will hold the Iraqi government to the benchmarks it has announced.
To establish its authority, the Iraqi government plans to take responsibility for security in all of Iraq's provinces by November. To give every Iraqi citizen a stake in the country's economy, Iraq will pass legislation to share oil revenues among all Iraqis. To show that it is committed to delivering a better life, the Iraqi government will spend $10 billion of its own money on reconstruction and infrastructure projects that will create new jobs. To empower local leaders, Iraqis plan to hold provincial elections later this year. And to allow more Iraqis to re-enter their nation's political life, the government will reform de-Baathification laws, and establish a fair process for considering amendments to Iraq's constitution.
America will change our approach to help the Iraqi government as it works to meet these benchmarks. In keeping with the recommendations of the Iraq Study Group, we will increase the embedding of American advisers in Iraqi Army units, and partner a coalition brigade with every Iraqi Army division. We will help the Iraqis build a larger and better-equipped army, and we will accelerate the training of Iraqi forces, which remains the essential U.S. security mission in Iraq. We will give our commanders and civilians greater flexibility to spend funds for economic assistance. We will double the number of provincial reconstruction teams. These teams bring together military and civilian experts to help local Iraqi communities pursue reconciliation, strengthen the moderates, and speed the transition to Iraqi self-reliance. And Secretary Rice will soon appoint a reconstruction coordinator in Baghdad to ensure better results for economic assistance being spent in Iraq.
As we make these changes, we will continue to pursue al Qaeda and foreign fighters. Al Qaeda is still active in Iraq. Its home base is Anbar Province. Al Qaeda has helped make Anbar the most violent area of Iraq outside the capital. A captured al Qaeda document describes the terrorists' plan to infiltrate and seize control of the province. This would bring al Qaeda closer to its goals of taking down Iraq's democracy, building a radical Islamic empire, and launching new attacks on the United States at home and abroad.
Our military forces in Anbar are killing and capturing al Qaeda leaders, and they are protecting the local population. Recently, local tribal leaders have begun to show their willingness to take on al Qaeda. And as a result, our commanders believe we have an opportunity to deal a serious blow to the terrorists. So I have given orders to increase American forces in Anbar Province by 4,000 troops. These troops will work with Iraqi and tribal forces to keep up the pressure on the terrorists. America's men and women in uniform took away al Qaeda's safe haven in Afghanistan -- and we will not allow them to re-establish it in Iraq.
Succeeding in Iraq also requires defending its territorial integrity and stabilizing the region in the face of extremist challenges. This begins with addressing Iran and Syria. These two regimes are allowing terrorists and insurgents to use their territory to move in and out of Iraq. Iran is providing material support for attacks on American troops. We will disrupt the attacks on our forces. We'll interrupt the flow of support from Iran and Syria. And we will seek out and destroy the networks providing advanced weaponry and training to our enemies in Iraq.
We're also taking other steps to bolster the security of Iraq and protect American interests in the Middle East. I recently ordered the deployment of an additional carrier strike group to the region. We will expand intelligence-sharing and deploy Patriot air defense systems to reassure our friends and allies. We will work with the governments of Turkey and Iraq to help them resolve problems along their border. And we will work with others to prevent Iran from gaining nuclear weapons and dominating the region.
We will use America's full diplomatic resources to rally support for Iraq from nations throughout the Middle East. Countries like Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, and the Gulf States need to understand that an American defeat in Iraq would create a new sanctuary for extremists and a strategic threat to their survival. These nations have a stake in a successful Iraq that is at peace with its neighbors, and they must step up their support for Iraq's unity government. We endorse the Iraqi government's call to finalize an International Compact that will bring new economic assistance in exchange for greater economic reform. And on Friday, Secretary Rice will leave for the region, to build support for Iraq and continue the urgent diplomacy required to help bring peace to the Middle East.
The challenge playing out across the broader Middle East is more than a military conflict. It is the decisive ideological struggle of our time. On one side are those who believe in freedom and moderation. On the other side are extremists who kill the innocent, and have declared their intention to destroy our way of life. In the long run, the most realistic way to protect the American people is to provide a hopeful alternative to the hateful ideology of the enemy, by advancing liberty across a troubled region. It is in the interests of the United States to stand with the brave men and women who are risking their lives to claim their freedom, and to help them as they work to raise up just and hopeful societies across the Middle East.
From Afghanistan to Lebanon to the Palestinian Territories, millions of ordinary people are sick of the violence, and want a future of peace and opportunity for their children. And they are looking at Iraq. They want to know: Will America withdraw and yield the future of that country to the extremists, or will we stand with the Iraqis who have made the choice for freedom?
The changes I have outlined tonight are aimed at ensuring the survival of a young democracy that is fighting for its life in a part of the world of enormous importance to American security. Let me be clear: The terrorists and insurgents in Iraq are without conscience, and they will make the year ahead bloody and violent. Even if our new strategy works exactly as planned, deadly acts of violence will continue -- and we must expect more Iraqi and American casualties.
The question is whether our new strategy will bring us closer to success. I believe that it will.
Victory will not look like the ones our fathers and grandfathers achieved. There will be no surrender ceremony on the deck of a battleship. But victory in Iraq will bring something new in the Arab world -- a functioning democracy that polices its territory, upholds the rule of law, respects fundamental human liberties, and answers to its people. A democratic Iraq will not be perfect. But it will be a country that fights terrorists instead of harboring them -- and it will help bring a future of peace and security for our children and our grandchildren.
This new approach comes after consultations with Congress about the different courses we could take in Iraq. Many are concerned that the Iraqis are becoming too dependent on the United States, and therefore, our policy should focus on protecting Iraq's borders and hunting down al Qaeda. Their solution is to scale back America's efforts in Baghdad -- or announce the phased withdrawal of our combat forces. We carefully considered these proposals. And we concluded that to step back now would force a collapse of the Iraqi government, tear the country apart, and result in mass killings on an unimaginable scale. Such a scenario would result in our troops being forced to stay in Iraq even longer, and confront an enemy that is even more lethal. If we increase our support at this crucial moment, and help the Iraqis break the current cycle of violence, we can hasten the day our troops begin coming home.
In the days ahead, my national security team will fully brief Congress on our new strategy. If members have improvements that can be made, we will make them. If circumstances change, we will adjust. Honorable people have different views, and they will voice their criticisms. It is fair to hold our views up to scrutiny. And all involved have a responsibility to explain how the path they propose would be more likely to succeed.
Acting on the good advice of Senator Joe Lieberman and other key members of Congress, we will form a new, bipartisan working group that will help us come together across party lines to win the war on terror. This group will meet regularly with me and my administration; it will help strengthen our relationship with Congress. We can begin by working together to increase the size of the active Army and Marine Corps, so that America has the Armed Forces we need for the 21st century. We also need to examine ways to mobilize talented American civilians to deploy overseas, where they can help build democratic institutions in communities and nations recovering from war and tyranny.
In these dangerous times, the United States is blessed to have extraordinary and selfless men and women willing to step forward and defend us. These young Americans understand that our cause in Iraq is noble and necessary -- and that the advance of freedom is the calling of our time. They serve far from their families, who make the quiet sacrifices of lonely holidays and empty chairs at the dinner table. They have watched their comrades give their lives to ensure our liberty. We mourn the loss of every fallen American -- and we owe it to them to build a future worthy of their sacrifice.
Fellow citizens: The year ahead will demand more patience, sacrifice, and resolve. It can be tempting to think that America can put aside the burdens of freedom. Yet times of testing reveal the character of a nation. And throughout our history, Americans have always defied the pessimists and seen our faith in freedom redeemed. Now America is engaged in a new struggle that will set the course for a new century. We can, and we will, prevail.
We go forward with trust that the Author of Liberty will guide us through these trying hours. Thank you and good night.
Mini video collage of Nazanin's case
David Etebari, creator of www.mypace.com/savenazanin has creatively put together a compilation collage of Nazanin's case using the Persian Prince's rap song about Nazanin Fatehi. Please pass it along and share it with others.
Labels: Iran